■'^%.K 






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FREDERIC WILLIAM UNGER 

Formerly War Correspondent, of the " London Times" and also of the " Daily Express' 
in South Africa, and the author of " With Bobs and Kruger." 



THE AUTHENTIC HISTORY 

OF THE WAR BETWEEN 

RUSSIA AND JAPAN 



=BY= 



FREDERIC WILLIAM UNGER 

^A/■a^ Correspondent and Author of 
"WITH BOBS AND KRUGER," Etc. 



ASSISTED BY 

CHARLES MORRIS, LL.D. 

Author of 
'THE ARYAN RACE," "THE GREATER REPUBLIC." Etc. 



Profusely Illustrated by Half-tone 
Engravings and Special Artists' Drawings 



WORLD BIBLE HOUSE 

PHILADELPHIA, PA. 



^^'>' 



OCT f lyui 

fjt-j^.^ ex. Mt-. <;»es 



Entered according to Act of 
Congress in the year 1905 by 
George A. Pa^rker. in the office 
of tKe Librarian of Congress, 
at Wa.shington, D. C. 

All Rights R-eserved 



Copyright 1904 by,\V. E. Scull. 



The Significance of a Modern War 

Importance of Conflict — Interests Involved — Gravity of Possible Outcome— Contest 
for Asiatic Supremacy — American Interest in the War — Possibility of Becoming 
a Political Issue — DiiEculty of Acquiring Accurate Information — First Great Test 
of Modern Military Equipment — Russia and Japan More Evenly Balanced than 
Generally Believed — Reporting a War — Caesar One of the First War Corre- 
spondents — Gathering News in Recent Wars — Importance and DiflSculties of 
News Service. 

THE Importance of the present conflict between Russia 
and Japan, which from its very outset has been prose- 
cuted by the latter nation with an energy and efficiency 
which has astounded the civilized world, can not be overesti- 
mated. The commercial, financial and political interests of 
modern nations are so interlinked with one another that a serious 
disarrangement of the relations between any two of the great 
powers is certain to have far-reaching and serious results from 
the very beginning. And in the conflict now under considera- 
tion this applies to the United States and Canada, perhaps, 
in a fuller degree than to any power of the Old World, from 
the fact that an ocean alone divides them from the countries 
concerned, and that their relations with these countries 
promise to surpass those of any other lands. 

For half a century the great powers have been arming and 
making military preparations, until the European peoples have 
come to carry a staggering burden of taxation and personal 
service. These colossal preparations and the many conflicting 
interests of the powers all point to an ultimate outbreak in 
a universal contest for world supremacy which many serious 
writers profess to believe will be the prophesied "Armageddon" 
of the Scriptures. Whether the war between Russia and Japan 
will develop into this great conflict is more than any man can 

5 



6 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF A MODERN WAR 

affirm or deny, but it is certain at least that the conflict is a con- 
test for Asiatic supremacy between two powers whose interests 
and ambitions are irreconcilable, and the interests of every 
nation of the world which holds possessions in the East are 
certain to be profoundly affected. 

Especially interesting, as we have stated, is the situation 
to America, because of her recent acquisition of the Philippines 
and the many intricate relationships which have developed 
between this and other countries as a logical result of Admiral 
Dewey's great victory over the Spanish fleet at Cavite In 1898. 
Furthermore, as every American citizen by virtue of his 
ballot becomes a dictator of his country's policy, a knowledge 
of the facts of the early developments of the war becomes a 
matter of supreme personal importance to all citizens. It is 
imperative that they should have full, definite, accurate infor- 
mation from unquestioned authorities, compactly compiled and 
conveniently arranged, early and without delay. 

Newspaper accounts alone are insufficient for this purpose, 
and the perusal leaves the reader often bewildered by the 
chaotic and contradictory presentment of bare statements. 
The sifting out and proper chronological arrangement of 
these details from the mass of current publications becomes a 
task far too burdensome to the average reader. This is the 
task undertaken by the publishers of " Russia and Japan." 

From a more disinterested standpoint, the war is of intense 
value to all students of the military art ; because It is the 
first really great test of the efficiency of modern military equip- 
ment. The recent wars have without exception been affairs in 
which one side so greatly overbalanced the other that the con- 
clusion was almost inevitable. Between Russia and Japan, 
with their advanced state of military preparedness, war 
becomes a conflict of giants. A contest in which enemies o( 
comparatively equal skill on land and sea employ practi- 
cally the same weapons, will result in definitely determining 



THE SIGNIFICANCE OF A MODERN WAR 7 

the value of existing small arms and heavy artillery, the 
respective merits of battleship, cruiser and torpedo boat, and 
finally the modern status of the rival branches of cavalry and 
infantry forces. Russia and J apan are more evenly matched than 
would at first appear. The inexhaustible resources of Russia 
both as to wealth and population are fairly balanced by hei 
great distance from her base of supplies and the better organ 
ization and efficiency of Japan's navy and army, plus her near- 
ness to the field of operations. 

The publication of a work like this, in which the man in 
the field, in direct contact with the leading acts and person- 
ages of the conflict, co-operates with the man in the heart of 
civilization who receives, and uses, the latest and most accurate 
information from all sources, must result in the production of a 
history of the war which for accuracy, vividness, thoroughness, 
reliability and attractiveness cannot be approached in any other 
way. 

The extent to which modern civilization has advanced is 
in no field more particularly emphasized than in the develop- 
ment of journalistic enterprise in time of war, and there is no 
calling in modern life which combines so well the atmosphere 
of adventure, romance and dangrer of the more romantic ap-es. 
The war correspondent of to-day occupies the same place in 
the twentieth century as that held by the Soldiers of Fortune 
and the Free Lances in the Middle Ages. 

There is another and more serious side which dulls the 
glitter of romance to the men who follow this calling. Along 
with the zest of an adventurous career is the requirement 
of close application, hard work, the collection and compilation 
of endless facts, the quick arrangement of the same, — in short, 
a slavish obedience to the most tyrannical master, the cable 
which carries the war correspondent's messages across con- 
tinents and seas into the heart of an anxiously waiting world 
beyond. 



8 THE SIGNJFILANCE UF A MODhKN WAR 

The close of a war — and such are the demands of modern 
civilization that often the outset of the war — finds the corre- 
spondent its serious historian as well as reporter. Very often, 
in addition to the mere chronicling of events and facts, there 
is required of him an ability to penetrate beneath the surface 
aspect of conditions, a knowledge of affairs and a philosophical 
understanding and practical skill in the arrangement of the same. 
During ancient times the war correspondent, in the modern 
sense of the word, did not exist. In those days frequently the 
commanding generals were their own historians. Julius Caesar, 
in his " Commentaries," was practically one of the first war cor- 
respondents ; but it has remained for modern times to develop 
the genus war correspondent to his fullest extent. 

During the American Civil War, journalistic enter- 
prise set the pace for the world, as it has continued to do 
since, and here we find the first example of serious restraint 
against that absolute freedom in the publication of news 
which followed the establishment of the doctrine of the 
liberty of the press towards the close of the eighteenth century. 
It was necessary for the Federal Government to suppress a 
number of Northern newspapers for alleged seditious utter- 
ances, and correspondents in the field were repeatedly refused 
permission to accompany forces, while others had privileges 
already acquired taken from them. At certain stages of the 
war orders were issued to hang all correspondents who appeared 
on the field, a fact which shows that the calling is not without 
its disadvantages. However, public opinion in the long run 
asserted its right to have these unofficial representatives of the 
masses in the field, and the daily history of the great conflict 
between the North and the South, in spite of official obstacles, 
was duly presented each morning to the American public. 

The Spanish-American War inaugurated a new era in the 
art of war reporting. Never before had such enterprise been 
indulged in, nor were such vast sums expended in the collection 



THE SIGNIFICANCE OF A MODERN WAR 9 

of news. The fleet of newspaper boats plying between 
Cuban ports and Key West are still vivid in the eyes of the 
American public, while the scores of official journalists who 
were transported to the scene, and over night manufactured 
into war correspondents, increased daily. Never before, prob- 
ably, in the history of the world were there so many distin- 
guished journalists, whose names, to their disappointment, only 
failed to become permanently famous because of the shortness 
of that conflict. 

The great distance, and equally great expense of cable 
tolls, during the Boxer uprising acted as a restraint on this 
form of journalistic enterprise, while In the South African War, 
which immediately preceded it, the efforts were confined almost 
exclusively to a limited number of British newspapers and news 
agencies, which, while covering the war with great thorough- 
ness, yet showed none of the dash and spirit that is charac- 
teristic of American journalism. It need scarcely be repeated 
that this dash and spirit will be especially needed during the 
present conflict in our own land, since none other surpasses, if 
any equals, the United States in its vital interest and concern 
in the results. To keep Americans then, alike of the United 
States and Canada, fully informed of the progress of the war, 
is a necessity which calls for the most strenuous activity and 
energy on the part of publishers of authoritative books as well 
as of daily journals. 

In the Russo-Japanese War to-day the publishers of this 
work as well as the different news ao^encies have entered the 
field with the avowed determination to furnish the public with 
the facts and news of the conflict more thoroughly and com- 
pletely than ever before in the history of the publishing of 
books of this character. Probably, at the same time, official 
obstacles In the way of gathering such news have never been 
greater In addition to the natural difficulties of distance and of 
strange languages, understood only by few. 



RUSSIA AND JAPAN 



rAND THE= 



GREAT WAR IN THE FAR EAST 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



INTRODUCTION 



THE SIGNIFICANCE OF A MODERN WAR 

HOW OUR AUTHOR SECURED INFORMATION AT 

FIRST HAND. 

CHAPTER I. 
PETER THE GREAT, THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 17 

CHAPTER II. 
RUSSIA, FROM PETER TO AI.EXANDER 29 

CHAPTER III. 
NAPOI.EON AT MOSCOW AND HIS TERRIBLE RETREAT 37 

CHAPTER IV. 

THE WARS OF RUSSIA WITH TURKEY 47 

11 



12 TABLE OF CONTENTS 

CHAPTKR V. 
RECENT EMPERORS AND THEIR REIGNS 55 

CHAPTER VI. 
RUSSIA IN CENTRAI. ASIA . , 67 

CHAPTER VII. 
THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA 79 

CHAPTER VIII. 

RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA AND PORT 

ARTHUR 86 

CHAPTER IX. 
THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAII.WAYS IN ASIA 97 

CHAPTER X. 
RUSSIA'S HOED ON CHINESE TERRITORY no 

CHAPTER XI. 
THE TERRIBEE RUSSIAN EXIEE SYSTEM 124 

CHAPTER XII. 
COMMODORE PERRY AND THE OPENING OF JAPAN . . 133 

CHAPTER XIII. 
THE GREAT REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 144 

CHAPTER XIV. 
JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 153 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 13 

CHAPTER XV. 

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERN- 
MENT IN JA.PAN 169 

CHAPTER XVI. 
THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 183 

CHAPTER XVII. 
THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 198 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

THE BATTLE OF THE YALU AS SEEN BY AN EYE 

WITNESS 210 

CHAPTER XIX. 
HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE . 220 

CHAPTER XX. 
JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 231 

CHAPTER XXI. 
THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 244 

CHAPTER XXII. 
THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS . ... 259 

CHAPTER XXIII. 
KOREA. THE BONE OF CONTENTION ,,.,,.,... 271 



14 TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 
THK POSITION OF THE CHINESE 284 

CHAPTER XXV. 
GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SII.ENCE 289 

CHAPTER XXVI. 
THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFI.ICT 297 

CHAPTER XXVII. 
JAPAN'S ARMY AND NAVY 312 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 
THE ARMY AND NAVY OF RUSSIA 319 

CHAPTER XXIX. 
THE BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF THE WAR 329 

CHAPTER XXX. 
PEACE OR WAR .... 338 

CHAPTER XXXI. 
THE FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 34/, 

CHAPTER XXXII. 
NAVAI, BATTLE OFF CHEMULPO 354 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 15 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVEOVSK 360 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 
CROSSING THE YALU . 368 

CHAPTER XXXV. 
DRIVING THE RUSSIANS NORTHWARD 378 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 
THE FALE OF PORT ARTHUR 384 

CHAPTER XXXVII. 
THE PERSONAL POINT OF VIEW 401 

CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 406 

CHAPTER XXXIX. 
THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN .... 439 

CHAPTER XI.. 
THE ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 447 

CHAPTER XLI 
PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 457 



CHAPTER I. 

Peter the Great, the Founder of Modern Russia 

Russia and the Golden Horde — Ivan the Great and Ivan the Terrible — A. Realm of 
Barbarians — A Colossal Figure — Peter Wins the Throne — His Love for Ships — 
The Capture of Azov — Peter as a Ship Carpenter in Holland and England— His 
Great Reforms— The Civilizing of Russia— The Mighty Conflict with Charles XII 
— Defeat at Narva and Victory at Poltava — Russia Becomes one of the Great 
Powers of Europe — The Conquest of Finland — Campaigns in Asia — Death and 
Character of Peter the Great. 

RUSSIA, at the time of Henry HI in England, some four 
centuries before the first settlers landed from the May- 
flower in the United States, was in a state of great dis- 
order, split up into a number of petty principalities, and devas- 
tated by Mongolian invasions which lasted until the end of the 
fourteenth century. The Russian princes were mere tax- 
gatherers, actually forced to pay homage to the Khans of the 
Golden Horde — a name given, on account, it is said, of the 
splendor of their tents and appointments, to those Mongols 
who had settled on the banks of the Volo^a. Obligfed to submit 
their disputes to the decision of the Khan, the Russian princes 
could not even ascend their thrones without first receivingr 
"Jarlikh," or letters patent, from their Mongol suzerain. 

By degrees, however, the Mongol power waned while that 
of Moscow increased, until, in the reign of Ivan III, who suc- 
ceeded his father, Vassili the Blind, in 1463, the Muscovites 
were able to throw off all semblance of obedience to the 
Horde. In 1478 Ivan refused to pay tribute, trampled on the 
image of the Khan, and put his envoys to death. 

Ivan the Great had a grandson whose cruelties won for 
him the ominous title of Ivan the Terrible, but whose vigor- 
ous hand widened the empire of Russia and added greatly 10 

3 ^ 17 



i8 THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 

its power and influence. Not long after his death the ancient 
dynasty of Rurik died out, and a new dynasty, the Romanoff, 
came to the throne. 

As yet Russia was a realm of barbarism, ruled by force and 
terror, the axe, the knout, the rope, and various implements 
of torture forming much of its governing machinery. It lay 
largely isolated from Western Europe, divorced from the 
growing civilization of that region, and pushing its course 
alone or under Asiatic influences; its methods and state of cul- 
ture being much more in accord with those of the Golden 
Horde of the Tartar steppes than those of the rapidly advanc- 
ing nations of the West. But it was laying the foundation 
of a civilization still to come. 

" Suddenly there sprang upon the field of action a colossal 
figure — one of the few men able to break the thraldom which 
custom and superstition impose; to overcome the prejudices of 
his time ; to gather for himself the stores of modern civiliza- 
tion, and to scatter them among his people. It was an extra- 
ordinary circumstance that such a man, by the accident of birth, 
should hold in his single hand the destiny of the whole Russian 
State. Without him, the reforms with which he filled a life- 
time might have required centuries for their accomplishment. 
He was one of the few great men in history to whom the 
power was given to turn with his single arm the whole current 
of a nation's life. He tore Russia by main force from her 
ancient moorings, and sent her forward upon the swift stream 
of modern civilization. 

" Peter the Great was born a barbarian ; he passed much 
of his turbulent youth upon the streets of Moscow, associating 
with everybody, acquiring knowledge from every source. To 
his last day he preserved the eager curiosity of childhood, an 
unquenchable thirst for information, violent passions, but an 
earnest purpose, never to be shaken, of making Russia a great 
state and the Russian people a great and civilized people. 



THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 19 

Throwing aside all pomp and pageantry, he went everywhere 
incogiiito, He was disguised as a subordinate in the embassy 
which left Russia to visit the nations of Europe. He learned 
navigation from a skipper- on the White Sea, and ship-building 
in the g^arb of a workman at Saardam and Amsterdam. Russia 
should know these things ; nobody else should teach her, so he 
must learn himself.* 

Peter, born on June 1 1, 1672, was but four years of age on 
the death of his father, Alexis, and had two brothers, who pre- 
ceded him in succession to the throne. Also his sister Sophia, a 
woman with some of his own energy and genius for affairs, made 
vigorous efforts to gain possession of the power of the State 
and hold her brothers in vassalage. This served well with the 
weak and sickly Feodor and Ivan, the older brothers, but soon 
came to an end when Peter reached his seventeenth year of 
age. A revolt in his favor broke out, he put himself at its 
head, and the matter was soon settled by his ambitious sister 
being consigned to a convent and he seating himself on the 
throne. 

The chief tutor of the young prince had been a man from 
Geneva, named Lefort, who had great influence over the boy. 
He told him striking stories of the countries he had visited, 
and made him understand the importance of ships. This led 
to the building of miniature vessels with masts, sails and guns 
on the Pereislavski lake near Moscow, and it was wdth these 
that the future ruler of Russia diverted himself. Under his 
direction several sham fights took place, in which he com- 
manded as captain. Thus a love of the sea was early devel- 
oped in Peter, although we are told that at first he had a dread 
of salt water. 

The first great purpose which the new Czar manifested 
may well have been a result of Lefort's instruction, that of 
obtaining an outlet to the sea. As yet, Russia was completely 

• William Dudley Foulke, " Slav or Saxon," 

» 



20 THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 

an interior country, walled in from the Baltic and the Black 
Seas by foreign lands, and the gaining of an open door to the 
ocean was of absolute necessity to the future progress of the 
empire. In accordance with this purpose, General Gordon — 
an able Scotch soldier who had been Peter's chief aid in gaining 
the throne — was directed in 1695 to march upon Azov, a Turk- 
ish port on the Black Sea. The place was taken after a two 
years' siege, and with its acquisition may be said to date the 
active interference of the Russians in the affairs of Turkey, 
which has gone on until the present day. 

For years preceding Peter had been maturing a plan for 
visiting Western Europe, seeing with his own eyes the features 
of its arts and progress, and especially for fitting himself to 
aid his country in the purpose which he so warmly entertained, 
that of making Russia a power upon the sea. In 1697 he set 
out upon this interesting journey. He traveled ^practically 
incognito, under the name of Peter Mikhailov, and in the 
capacity of one of the suite of the three ambassadors, Lefort, 
Golovin and Voznitsin. Such a step was, indeed, a great 
breaking with the past ; for among the earlier Russians to 
evince any desire for travel was to commit a crime. The party 
proceeded through Riga to Mitau ; at Konigsberg Peter had 
an interview with the Elector of Prussia. He passed, how- 
ever, rapidly through Berlin, and by degrees he reached Saar- 
dam, in Holland, being probably attracted to that country by 
its celebrity as a maritime power. In Holland, Peter worked 
as a common shipwright at the dockyard, under the name of 
Peter Bass, or Master Peter. He learned sufficient of the art 
to build a boat with his own hand, while fraternizing with his 
fellow workmen as if he were one of themselves, though his 
secret was not well kept, and it was well known who Master 
Peter really was. Peter, being a man of magnetic power, had 
the facility of assimilating all the good material round him. 
Everywhere he displayed an insatiable curiosity. The 



THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA ii 

certificate of efficiency in various handicrafts which he received 
from the head of the dockyard, Gerrit Claesz Pool, is still 
preserved. He next visited England, being, it is said, in- 
duced to do so by one John Fessing, an Englishman, whom 
he met. The young Czar crossed the Channel in 1698, and 
worked for a time at the Navy Yard at Deptford, living in 
the house of the famous John Evelyn, which the Government 
rented for him. It is said that the rude and barbarian ways 
of the Muscovite tenants left the house in such a state that 
Evelyn brought in a bill of damages for ^350, in order to fit 
the place for civilized habitation again. 

William III arranged a sham sea-fight at Spithead for the 
benefit of his visitor, and finally Peter departed from England, 
taking with him many persons who were to enter the Russian 
service — engineers, mechanics, mathematicians, soldiers and 
-sailors — many Englishmen and more Scots. The latter, in 
many instances, were destined to bequeath their names, in forms 
more or less changed, to Russian descendants. 

France was not visited by the Czar, but he journeyed to 
Austria, where he was well received, and from there proposed 
to go to Venice and study some new kinds of ship-building. 
He was prevented from this by receiving news of a great out- 
break of the Streltsi, which might have ended in his losing the 
throne but for the energy of General Gordon, who had suc- 
ceeded in subduing them and punishing many of the leaders 
before Peter reached Moscow on his hasty return. Thus ended 
one of the most interesting and dramatic events in history, that 
of a great emperor working as a common laborer in foreign 
lands that he might teach new and useful arts to his people. 

The young Czar was not long at home before the results 
of his visit abroad beean to be seen. Russia was far behind 
the western nations in the essentials of civilization, and had 
preserved many barbarian customs which he, in his ardent way, 
proposed to get rid of at once. The reforms he instituted 



22 THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 

M^QT& of SO radical a nature as to stir the social life of the state 
almost as if it had been shaken by an earthquake of new- 
opinions. 

To a large extent the old nobility was supplanted by the 
so-called nobility of merit, the nobility of office-holders, estab- 
lished by Peter, whose appointments and promotion depended 
upon service to the State. Peter decreed that land should go 
to the oldest by birth. The seclusion of women was abolished,^ 
for this was contrary to the customs of Europe, and was not 
necessary to the support of his power. Women were no 
longer compelled to marry against their will. The corruptions 
of office-holders had been frightful, men soliciting offices of 
the Czar that they "might feed themselves" by plundering the 
people. These things were mercilessly punished. A state 
inquisition was established for "crimes against the majesty of 
the Czar." Apothecaries' shops were, for the first time, estab- 
lished in Moscow, and the Russians were forbidden to carry 
knives, the use of which often led to quarrels and outrages in 
the streets. But the punishments inflicted by the Russian courts 
continued to be cruel for some time afterwards ; men were 
broken on the wheel or hung up to die with a hook round one 
of their ribs. Women were buried alive for the murder of a 
husband. The penalty of banishment to Siberia was in full 
force — it may be said to have begun at the close of the six- 
teenth century, but it reached its height in the reigns of Anne 
and Elizabeth. 

Peter's method of enforcing his reforms is of interest for 
its barbarous simplicity. All towns had to send shoemakers to 
learn the trade at Moscow ; the great beards of the Russians 
were taxed out of existence ; the long caftan, a cloak which 
descends to the heels, and is characteristic of Oriental peoples, 
was exchanged for a coat in the French style ; no Russian could 
become a monk until thirty years of age, in order that popula- 
tion might not be diminished. The Czar determined to establish 



THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 23 

a new capital by the sea ; he would tear the Russians away from 
their old associations around Moscow, and give his land an 
open gate to the western ocean. St. Petersburg was built by 
edicts. It was decreed that there should be no stone house 
erected except at the new capital, and all stone-masons flocked 
thither at once. Every owner of five hundred peasants was 
required to build a house in the city. The capital of Russia 
remains a durable monument to the energy of the great Czar. 

Such were some of the triumphs of peace in the life of 
the energetic Czar. Those of war were no less notable. The 
famous warlike chapter in his reign was his struggle with 
Charles XII, of Sweden, one of the greatest soldiers and most 
remarkable figures in history, and a man who, if he had not 
been opposed by a monarch of such genius and energy as Peter 
the Great, might have conquered Russia, as the Tartars had 
done centuries before. 

Peter now more fully than ever realized the need of an. 
outlet to the sea. He had partly succeeded at Azov, but now 
had his eyes firmly fixed, on the Baltic, which at that time was 
practically a Swedish lake, since Sweden held its bordering 
provinces. In his efforts to carry out this scheme he had 
Charles XII, who came to the throne of Sweden in 1697, at 
the age of fifteen, to deal with. 

We cannot tell all the events of the famous war which 
succeeded, but it may be said that Peter was soon taught the 
great deficiencies of his army, as compared with the thor- 
oughly trained troops of Sweden. A Russian force 60,000 
strong, while besieging Narva, in 1700, was attacked by 
Charles, at the head of 6,000 Swedes, and so thoroughly 
beaten that their losses exceeded the whole army of the 
Swedes. It was the most complete rout ever experienced in 
Russian history, and Peter was for the first time taught that he 
needed a modern army as well as a navy. 

Eight years later, after remarkable successes in Poland, 



24 THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 

Charles invaded Russia, with the purpose of marching to Mos-= 
cow — a purpose imitated by Napoleon a century and more 
later. He concealed his purpose, entering the fertile country 
of the Ukraine, where the Tartar enemies of Russia had accu- 
mulated large stores of grain for his army. But he was not to 
find this expedition as easy a one as that against Narva. In 
the years that had intervened Peter had been learning the art of 
war from his foe and training his troops for European warfare, 
and he was now ready to teach the ambitious Swede a lesson. 
As soon as the movements of Charles unmasked his plan, 
Peter was ready for him. He moved up his soldiers, came on 
the flank of the enemy and marched parallel with him, harass- 
ing him- on all sides, and cutting off stragglers, especially at 
Dobroe. So completely were the neighboring towns and vil- 
lages burned, that Charles only found uninhabitable ruins await- 
ing him. The weather was severe, and in his apprehension 
that his army would perish from hunger, he sent orders to 
Lewenhaupt, who had come from Livonia with great quanti- 
ties of provisions and military stores, to join the main army as 
soon as possible. The Russian generals, having learned this, 
determined to send some regiments to intercept Lewenhaupt. 
The guide, a Jew, who had been bribed by the Swedes, con- 
ducted them to Smolensk, assuring them that they would meet 
the enemy there ; while Lewenhaupt, following another route, 
was already In the neighborhood of Mohilev, a few days' jour- 
ney from the Swedish army. Fortunately for him, the Czar dis- 
covered his mistake in time, and, changing his route, overtook 
the Swedish general not far from Proprisk, at the village of 
Liesnoe, on the river Sozh. There he forced him to fight, and, 
in spite of the superiority of their numbers and the desperate 
bravery of the Swedes, completely defeated them (Oct. lo, 
1708). Lewenhaupt lost more than half his army corps, with 
all his baggage, and when he appeared in the camp of Charles 
it was as a fugitive. 



THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 25 

The winter of 1708 now came on, and proved to be one 
of unusual severity ; and here again the fortunes of Charles 
afford an exact parallel to those of Napoleon. Ustrialov, the 
Russian historian, goes so far as to say that birds were frozen 
on the wing. The Swedes suffered severely, but Charles 
shared the privations of his men. The only chance for him 
would have been to retreat into Poland, but he was still 
eager to force his way to Moscow. On the route of Charles 
lay the town of Poltava, a place which till then had been 
so obscure that there is considerable difficulty in ascer- 
taining the early spelling of the name. It is situated on the 
river Vorskla, and was held by a strong garrison under the com- 
mand of Colonel Kellin. Charles anticipated little difficulty 
in capturing the town ; but Kellin showed no signs of surren- 
dering, and a siege began which lasted two months, and proved 
very exhausting to the forces of the Swedish King. 

Peter was now hastening to the relief of the town with a 
far more efficient army than the untrained mob which had 
been so easily defeated at Narva. The two armies, led by the 
two sovereigns, met on July 7, 1709 — Charles carried in a litter, 
as he had been disabled by a wound in the foot. The battle 
that followed was a veritable duel, the first to fire beinof 
Charles. Sitting in his litter, and surrounded by his guards, 
he sent his soldiers straight against the redoubts built in front 
of the Russian camp. The Swedes rushed up to the very 
trenches, but were met with such a terrific cannonade that the 
men fled for shelter into a wood which lay in front of the Rus- 
sian camp, and with some difficulty re-formed there in some- 
thing approaching order. In the midst of this panic, the right 
wing of the Swedish forces became separated from the 
rest of the army and was cut to pieces by Menshikov. Mean- 
while, the Czar brought his main body into action from the 
trenches and moved them skillfully on the enemy. Visit- 
ing the regiments, he told the soldiers that the time had 



26 THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 

come which was to decide the fate of Russia ; that they were 
fighting, not for Peter, but for the empire entrusted to Peter ; 
for their families, their country and the Holy Orthodox Faith ; 
that they must not allow themselves to be daunted by the 
supposed invincibility of the enemy. The engagement then 
began. Peter attacked the army of the invaders on both 
flanks, and at the end of two hours had gained a complete 
victory. During the stampede which ensued, Charles fell 
several times from the litter. Those who succeeded in escap- 
ing made for Turkish territory, but prisoners to the number of 
2800 were taken, including the principal Swedish officers and 
Count Piper, the King's minister. The defeat was total. 
Charles took refuge in the Turkish dominions, and his career 
was practically at an end. Though eventually he made his 
way back to Sweden, he never troubled Peter the Great again. 
Russia had triumphed in its first contest with the soldiers of 
civilized Europe. 

The battle of Poltava has always been reckoned one of 
the decisive battles of the world. It signified two things : 
first, the fall of Sweden from her position as the leading power 
of Northern Europe, which she owed in great measure to the 
military genius of Gustavus Adolphus ; and secondly, the 
assumption of that place by Russia. Up to this time Peter 
had been regarded by the other Europeans with mingled feel- 
ings of astonishment and contempt ; now, however, there mani- 
fested itself a universal inclination to court him, especially 
among the petty German potentates. But not only did 
Peter thus establish his position towards the other European 
powers ; he also by this brilliant victory, so gratifying to Rus- 
sian pride, reconciled his own subjects to the many reforms 
which had been introduced and the high-handed manner in 
which they had been carried out. 

The aggressive designs of Peter were next directed 
against Finland. He must have perceived that it was too near 

V 



THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 27 

to St. Petersburg to be allowed to remain in foreign hands. 
The Russians felt this in the reign of Catharine II, when 
naval battles took place, the cannonades of which shook the 
city. The skillful Swedish general, Liibecker, was then operat- 
ing in Finland. In May, 171 5, Peter appeared off Helsingfors, 
which the Swedes surrendered to him, and he also got posses- 
sion of Abo. Hereupon the Swedish government removed 
Lubecker and put Armfeldt in his place. However, on Octo- 
ber 18th Armfeldt was defeated by the Russian admirals, 
Apraksin and Gallitzin. At the same time the Czar (1714) 
obtained a great naval victory at a point between Helsingfors 
and Abo, and took prisoner Admiral Ehrenskjold with all his 
squadron. The conquest of the Aland islands was another 
result of this victory. Finally when Nyslott, one of the 
remaining fortresses, was taken, the Swedish troops evacuated 
the Baltic Provinces, leaving these and half a province of Fin- 
land in the hands of the Russians. 

These military affairs, we may say, took place in the inter- 
vals of the reforms which Peter worked diligently to bring 
about in the state during his entire career. This he did in the 
abrupt way in which he had dealt with the long beards and 
coats of the old Russians, and not without stubborn opposi- 
tion. But everything fell before the vigorous will of the Czar, 
and the Russia he left was a very different one in manners and 
customs — perhaps not so much in the true essentials of civili- 
zation —from that to which he had succeeded. 

His efforts to extend the dominion of Russia were not 
confined to Europe, Asia being invaded by his armies. Of 
this we shall speak briefly in a later chapter, and it must suffice 
here to say that the chief result of his campaigns in Asia was 
the acquisition of some territory on the southern shores of the 
Caspian Sea, over which the Russian flag first waved on the 
19th of July, 1722. In his reign the interference of Russia 
in the affairs of Poland first began ; not to end until that 



28 THE FOUNDER OF MODERN RUSSIA 

unhappy kingdom was removed from the map of Europe. 
Throuo-hout his reign his predilection for the water and 
his desire to make Russia a power upon the sea did not cease. 
It was, in a way, the cause of his death. 

Peter had always been careless of his person. He had 
fearlessly exposed himself to all climates, and had committed 
many excesses in eating and drinking. When he was about 
fifty years of age his robust constitution began to show signs 
of weakness. He further impaired it by spending much time 
in the marshes, superintending the works of the Ladoga canal, 
accompanied by Munich, who was afterwards to play such an 
important part in Russian history. He also undertook a 
journey into Finland at a very unseasonable time of the year. 
He entered the port of Lachta on the 5th of November, 
1725, and there witnessed the dangers to which some sol- 
diers and sailors were exposed in a small vessel. Seeing 
that they were unable to help themselves, he jumped into 
a skiff, and thence into the sea, and so reached the stranded 
vessel. He succeeded in rescuing the crew, at the risk of his 
life, a striking proof that he was a brave, and, on occasion, 
a humane man. But the same night the chill brought on 
an old malady. He fell into a violent fever. Ill, however, as 
he was, his mind was active, and he gave commission to the 
navigator Behring for his famous voyage of discovery. He 
suffered a great deal, but was able to dictate to those round 
him his last orders. He entreated Catharine, his wife, to protect 
his Academy of Sciences, and to invite learned men to it from 
other parts of Europe. He then pointed out Ostermann to 
her, saying: "Russia cannot do without him: he is the only 
man who knows her real interests." He ther, in a calm man- 
ner, fixed the time during which mourning should be worn for 
him ; and on January 28th, about 4 o'clock in the morning, the 
end came. 



CHAPTER II. 

Russia from Peter to Alexander 

Successors of Peter the Great — The Revolution Against Peter III — Catharine II on 
the Throne — The Cossack Revolt — Defeat ciiid Death ofPugachev — The Partition 
of Poland — Kosciuszko Defeated and Warsaw Taken — The Russians and the 
Turks— Great Victory in the Crimea — The Turkish Navy Annihilated — Gustavus 
of Sweden Foiled — Reforms of Catlarinc the Great — The Czar Paul is Assas- 
sinated — SuvarofF Fights Against France — The Wars with Napoleon — How 
Napoleon Broke the Peace with Alexander. 

FROM the death of Peter the Great, in 1725, to the suc- 
cession of the great Catharine, in 1762, there were 
several reigns, but the history of Russia was not made 
notable by any events of leading importance. The reigns, 
therefore, of these monarchs may be passed over witli the 
mere mention of the names of the Empresses Catharine, Anne 
and Elizabeth, and the Emperors Peter II, Ivan VI and 
Peter III, and our attention fixed on that of Catharine II, 
surnamed "the Great." This title is not without warrant, for 
she was a woman fitted to mate with Elizabeth of England in 
political ability, and her reign ranks after that of Peter the 
Great as the second in brilliance in the Russian annals, 

Peter III, the nephew and successor of the Empress 
Elizabeth, took to wife a German princess, Sophia of Anhalt- 
Zerbst, who was taken into the Greek Church under the name 
of Catharine. A woman of extraordinary talent and enter- 
prise, and the wife of a weak and puerile prince, who treated 
her with contempt and brutality, she gradually gathered about 
her a powerful party, who despised the Czar for his drunken- 
ness and licentiousness, and ridiculed him for his weak-^ess and 
frivolity. This state of affairs ended in a revolution, in which 

29 



3© RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 

Peter was imprisoned and Catharine raised to the throne. A 
few days later the death of the Czar was announced — of colic, 
it was said ; of poison, it was believed. But no one mourned 
him, and Catharine was accepted as the people's choice. 

In describing the reign of this remarkable woman, it will 
be well to begin with a condensed account of the numerous 
warlike enterprises of her reign, and the great accessions of 
territory gained, in which she rivalled the exploits of Peter the 
Great. As we have said of Peter, the Russia she left was a 
much greater and more powerful realm than the Russia to 
whose throne she came. 

A leading event of her reign was brought about by a 
great insurrection of the Cossacks, those nomads of Tartar 
blood, who had long lived under Russian rule, but were as 
wild and fierce as their brethren of the desert. The Cossacks 
of the Yaik, among whom the insurrection began, were a 
branch of the Don Cossacks, and had been subjects of Russia 
from the time of the Czar Michael. Till the reign of Peter 
the Great they had lived in all the ordinary license of Cossack 

life they elected their own hetman and elder, paid no taxes, 

and were liable to no military duties, except a very light serv- 
ice. They were in the habit of committing depredations on 
the Caspian Sea, where they plundered Persian trading vessels. 
Now and then they received a severe reprimand from Mos- 
cow, but were never efficaciously punished. Their remarkable 
insurrection broke out in 1773. The leader, Emilian Puga- 
chev, was a Cossack of the Don, who gave himself out to be 
the Emperor Peter III, having, according to his story, escaped 
from the clutches of the conspirators. It is said that one day 
an officer casually remarked to Pugachev, who was serving in 
the ranks, that he resembled very much the late Czar. The 
remark took effect in the insurrection under review. At the 
outbreak of the insurrection his force numbered 3,000 men, 
which in a short time swelled to 30,000. He made himself 



RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 31 

master with remarkable rapidity of all the fortified places of 
the Ural ; had besieged Orenburg and stirred up the Bashkirs, 
Calmucks and Kirghiz Kazaks. 

The sudden death In the field of General Bibikov, an able 
officer chosen by Catharine to deal with the rebels, added to 
the strength of the movement. Pugachev's force very rapidly 
increased, and with a vast body of followers he marched upon 
Kazan, which he took, plundered and burnt. From this point 
he designed to move upon Moscow and make himself master 
of the ancient capital of the land. 

The rapid and threatening progress of the rebels was at 
length arrested by General Michelson, who defeated them and 
drove them back in the direction of the Volga, following their 
steps with unceasing activity. Pugachev now abandoned all 
thought of marching on Moscow, and began to look out for a 
refuge in Turkey or Persia. He made a rapid retreat, 
destroying all the villages and towns in his way, including 
Penza and Saratov. When he had nearly reached Astrakhan, 
whence he could easily have escaped to the sea, Michelson fell 
once more upon him below Tsaritsin, and, having completely 
defeated him, forced him across the Volga into the steppes. 
Here, behind Lake Elbon, the rebel was surrounded by the 
soldiers who gathered together from all quarters as Count 
Panin had skillfully arranged. Finally Suvaroff came upon 
the scene and pursued him at the head of Michelson's regi- 
ment. The confederates of Pugachev now saw no other 
means of escaping from the trap in which they had fallen than 
by throwing themselves on the mercy of the Government. 
They therefore resolved to sacrifice their leader. He was 
delivered up at Simbirsk and taken in an iron cage to Mos- 
cow. There he was kept for about two months fastened by a 
chain to the wall and subjected to the gaze of the inquisitive 
public. He seems to have shown none of the courage that 
might have been expected from his career. On the 22nd of 



32 RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 

January, 1775, he was executed, together with live of his con- 
federates. 

The number of persons killed by this monster was very 
great, and dreary lists are appended to the Russian works on 
the rebellion. It is not a little curious that even so late as the 
time when Pushkin was collecting materials for his history, 
about 1830; he found many peasants who still believed that 
Pugachev was the genuine Emperor ; one old woman said to 
Pushkin — "You call him impostor, but we call him our Czar, 
Peter III." If he had not estranged so many people by his 
reckless and meaningless cruelties, one cannot help thinking 
he mio-ht have succeeded. 

We now come to what was, perhaps, the most important 
series of events of the reign of Catharine — the dismemberment 
of Poland. The attention of Russia was by this time concen- 
trated on that unhappy country, which had long exhibited 
signs of decay. Once an extensive and powerful country, 
occupying a broad territory between Russia and the German 
States, it had been seriously weakened by the invasion and 
conquest of Charles XII, the Swedish Alexander, and still 
more so by the mediaeval character of its government and the 
insubordination of its nobles and people. As a consequence, 
it had become greatly diminished in territory and so broken in 
strength by internal dissensions as to lay it bare to the cupid- 
ity of surrounding monarchs. 

Charles XII had, at an earlier date planned its division, 
and this idea was brought up again by Frederick the Great, 
the most ambitious and predatory monarch of the age. 
Russia and Austria readily became his confederates in this 
brigandish scheme, and a treaty of partition was signed at St. 
Petersburg in 1772, Russia obtaining a large section of the 
divided land. 

The final partition of unhappy Poland was accomplished 
twenty years later. In the interim, what had been left by the 



RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 33 

imperial robbers had struggled on in a state of great weak- 
ness, and they now saw their opportunity to complete their 
nefarious work. It was not accomplished, however, without 
vigorous resistance on the part of the Polish patriots, who, 
under the leadership of the heroic Kosciuszko, fought nobly 
for the liberty of their imperilled land. But the Russians and 
Prussians poured vast armies across the borders, Kosciuszko 
was defeated by Suvaroff and fell desperately wounded on the 
field of battle ; Warsaw was besieged and taken, with a fearful 
massacre of its inhabitants, and the last remnants of the once 
great kingdom of Poland were absorbed by the robber states. 

Two other series of wars were conducted by the generals 
of the energetic Catharine, one against Turkey and the other 
against Sweden. War against the former power was declared 
in 1767 and continued till 1774, immense armies being put in 
the field and very active operations conducted. The great 
event of the war, however, was the notable battle between the 
Russians under Rumiantsov and an immensely larger force of 
Turks and Tartars. 

The scene of this engagement was the Crimean peninsula, 
in which the Russians had just before attacked and captured 
the camp of the Tartar Khan, with all its artillery. But the 
position of Rumiantsov was now a very dangerous one. His 
army was reduced to 17,000 men, weakened by disease and by 
the loss of some regiments who were protecting the convoy of 
provisions. These men were exhausted by their rapid marches, 
by a battle which they had only recently fought, and by the 
deficiency of food. 

In front were 150,000 Turks, and from behind they were 
threatened by 80,000 Tartars. But Rumiantsov managed to 
keep his presence of mind, and, having given his soldiers a short 
time to rest, issued orders for the battle. His army was 
divided into five squares. General Bauer was ordered to 
attack the left wing of the enemy, and Prince Repnin and 

3 



34 RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 

Count Bruce (a descendant of an old Scottish family) to sur- 
round the right, while Plemiannikov and Olets delivered the 
centre attack, the commander-in-chief being himself in front. 
On the night of the 2nd of August the army quietly marched 
in squares on the enemy, and when the morning broke went 
straight against the camp, which was protected by deep 
trenches. The Turks seemed at first panic-stricken at the 
sudden appearance of the Russians, but soon swarmed out of 
their entrenchments and threw the division of Plemiannikov 
into confusion. This caused a slight hesitation on the part of 
the Russian right wing, and as a result some regiments were 
mown down by the Janissaries ; others began to retreat. 
Thereupon Rumiantsov rushed into the thickest part of the 
fray, and crying out, " Stop, boys !" rallied the fugitives. Led 
by him In person, the Russians now took to their bayonets. 
The enemy began to waver, and his confusion was increased 
by the excellent fire of the artillery. At length, after many 
hours of stubborn fighting, the Russian soldiers rushed into 
the camp on all sides. The Vizier fled to Bulgaria, followed 
by the whole of the Turkish army. The passage of the 
Danube was a matter of some difiiculty, and thousands of the 
Turks were drowned in its waters. The Khan of the Crimea, 
who had fallen upon the Russian rear, also took to flight and 
concealed himself at Ochakov. The whole Turkish baggage 
and artillery, and a vast quantity of treasure, remained in the 
hands of the conquerors. Rumiantsov was loaded with honors 
by the Empress for his victory. 

To this signal victory was added a great naval victory on 
the part of the Russians, in which a Turkish fleet nearly twice 
as large as that of Russia was completely worsted, the whole 
fleet of nearly a hundred vessels being destroyed in a six- 
hours' engagement. 

The results of this great success were the following : In 
the treaty of peace of July 22, 1774, Turkey recognized the 



RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 35 

independence of the Tartar Khans of the Crimea — a move- 
ment preHminary to the annexation of their country by Russia, 
which ^was brought about by a later war. Russia gained 
several posts on the Black Sea and the right of free navigation 
to the Mediterranean, indemnity for the expenses of the 
war, and rights and privileges for her subjects in Turkey which 
they had never before enjoyed. 

The war with Sweden was in consequence of the ambition 
of Gustavus III of that country, who hoped to gain the fame 
in war of his ancestors, the great Gustavus and Charles XII. 
But he found the Russians fully his match, and after a desperate 
struggle he was forced, in 1790, to conclude peace, after a great 
shedding of blood and a prodigal waste of the resources of 
his poor kingdom, with no gain to show for it. 

Such were the military events of the reign of Catharine the 
Great. The legislative and constitutional reforms were equally 
worthy of note, much being done towards bringing about that 
progress in civilization which Peter the Great had so ably in- 
augurated. A new and modernized code of laws was estab- 
lished, the estates of the clergy were secularized, the position 
of the nobles in relation to the throne was definitely fixed, and 
the supreme and autocratic authority of the sovereign was 
asserted in the most emphatic manner. 

At the beginning of Catharine's reign her ideas were 
extremely liberal ; she established a commission to com- 
pile the new code, and gave to the commissioners instruc- 
tions as to the principles which should govern them, taken 
from the brightest pages of the philosophy of the eigh- 
teenth century. They contained such maxims as the follow- 
ing : " The nation is not made for the sovereign, but the 
sovereign for the nation." " Equality consists in the obedi- 
ence of the citizen to the law alone ; liberty is the right to do 
everything that is not forbidden by law." ' It is better to 
spare ten guilty men than to put one innocent man to death." 



36 RUSSIA FROM PETER TO ALEXANDER 

" Torture Is an admirable means for convicting an innocent but 
weakly man, and for saving a stout fellow even when he is 
guilty." 

She had much to say about the emancipation of the serfs ; 
and established a society in which the question of emancipa- 
tion was made a subject for prize competition. An article in 
its favor won the prize. But Catharine did nothing beyond 
this. In fact, she finally aggravated the evil of serfdom by 
dividing many of her own serfs among the nobles. She for- 
bade peasants to complain of their masters, and a master 
might send his serf to Siberia at will. In truth, while she did 
much to improve the condition of the middle classes, who had 
been almost on the same level with the serfs, she left the 
latter in a worse condition than she found them. 

Catharine died on November 17, 1796, leaving the throne 
to her son Paul, a man in almost every respect unfit for the 
position, and the end of whose reign came in a way not un- 
common in Russia, he being strangled by conspirators on 
March 23, 1801. He was succeeded by his son Alexander I. 

During the reign of Paul the armies of Russia took an 
active part in the wars with the French republic, under the 
leadership of the valiant Suvaroff, who was finally worsted, 
however, throuofh the bad conduct of his lieutenants and allies. 
Under Alexander Russia entered with much energy into the 
great struggle against Napoleon, aiding Austria and Prussia in 
their wars with the Corsican conqueror. At the great battle of 
Austerlitz the Russians suffered a disastrous defeat, and were 
later defeated at Eylau and Friedland, though the latter defeats 
were very costly ones to Napoleon. These battles led to the 
treaty of peace of July, 1807, between Alexander and Napoleon, 
and a secret treaty of alliance between Russia and France. The 
arbitrary commercial measures subsequently taken by Napo- 
leon brought on that great war with Russia which put an end 
to the phenomenal success of his career. 



CHAPTER in, 

* Napoleon at Moscow and His Terrible Retreat 

The Grand Army on Russian Soil — The Mighty Advance of Napoleon and his Hosts — 
The Fierce Struggle at Borodina — France in the Holy City of Russia — Fire and 
Flames in Moscow — The Victors in a City of Ashes — The Frightful Winter Re- 
treat — -Death from Sword, Bullet and Frost — A vStarving and Perishing Army— 
The Massacre at the Ice-bound Beresina — The Fate of the Grand Army — Marshal 
Ney and his Dying Handful — The Fall of Napoleon. 

ON the banks of the Niemen, a river that flows between 
Prussia and Poland, there gathered near the end of 
June, 1812, an immense army of more than 600,000 
men, attended by an enormous multitude of non-combatants, 
their purpose being the invasion of the empire of Russia. Of 
this great army, made up of troops from half the nations of 
Europe, there reappeared six months later on that broad 
stream about 16,000 armed men, almost all that were left of 
that stupendous host. The remainder had perished on the 
desert soil or in the frozen rivers of Russia, few of them sur- 
viving as prisoners in Russian hands. Such was the character 
of the dread catastrophe that broke the power of the mighty 
conqueror and delivered Europe from his autocratic grasp. 
The breach of relations between Napoleon and Alexander 
was largely due to the arbitrary and highhanded proceedings of 
the French Emperor, who was accustomed to deal with the map 
of Europe as if it represented his private domain. He offended 
Alexander by enlarging the duchy of Warsaw — one of his own 
creations — and deeply incensed him by extending the French 
empire to the shores of the Baltic, thus robbing of his domin- 
ion the Duke of Oldenburg, a near relative of Alexander. On 
the other hand the Czar declined to submit the commercial 

37 



38 NAPOLEON AT MOSCOW 

interests of his country to the rigor of Napoleon's "continental 
blockade," and made a new tariff, which interfered with the 
importation of French and favored that of English goods. 
These and other acts in which Alexander chose to place his 
own interests in advance of those of Napoleon were as worm- 
wood to the haughty soul of the latter, and he determined to 
punish the Russian autocrat as he had done the other mon- 
archs of Europe who refused to submit to his dictation. 

For a year or two before war was declared Napoleon had 
been preparing for the greatest struggle of his life, adding to 
his army by the most rigorous methods of conscription and col- 
lecting great magazines of war material, though still professing 
friendship for Alexander. The latter, however, was not decei- 
ved. He prepared, on his part, for the threatened struggle, made 
peace with the Turks, and formed an alliance with Bernadotte, 
the crown prince of Sweden, who had good reason to be offen- 
ded with his former lord and master. Napoleon, on his side, 
allied himself with Prussia and Austria, and added to his army 
large contingents of troops from the German states. At length 
the great conflict was ready to begin between the two auto- 
crats, the Emperors of the East and the West, and Europe 
resounded with the tread of marching feet. 

In the closing days of June the grand army crossed the Nie- 
men, its last regiments reaching Russian soil by the opening of 
July. Napoleon, with the advance, pressed on to Wilna, the 
capital of Lithuania. On all sides the Poles rose in enthu- 
siastic hope, and joined the ranks of the man whom they 
looked upon as their deliverer. Onward went the great army, 
marching with Napoleon's accustomed rapidity, seeking to pre- 
vent the concentration of the divided Russian forces, and ad- 
vancing daily deeper into the dominions of the Czar. 

The French Emperor had his plans well laid. He pro- 
posed to meet the Russians in force on some interior field, win 
from them one of his accustomed brilliant victories, crush them 



ISAFULhOJS Al MOSCOW 39 

with his enormous columns, and force the dismayed Czar to 
sue for peace on his own terms. But plans need two sides for 
their consummation, and the Russian leaders did not propose 
to lose the advantage given them by nature. On and on went 
Napoleon, deeper and deeper into that desolate land, but the 
great army he was to crush failed to loom up before him, the 
broad plains still spread onward empty of soldiers, and disquiet 
began to assail his imperious soul as he found the Russian 
hosts keeping constantly beyond his reach, luring him ever 
deeper into their vast territory. In truth Barclay de Tolly, 
the Czar's chief in command, had adopted a policy which was 
sure to prove fatal to Napoleon's purpose, that of persistently 
avoiding battle and keeping the French in pursuit of a fleeting 
will-of-the-wisp, whil,e their army wasted away from natural 
disintegration in that inhospitable clime. 

He was correct in his views. Desertion, illness, the death 
of young recruits who could not endure the hardships of rapid 
march in the severe heat of midsummer, began their fatal work. 
Napoleon's plan of campaign proved a total failure. The Russi- 
ans would not wait to be defeated, and each day's march opened 
a wider circle of operations before the advancing host, whom 
the interminable plain filled with a sense of hopelessness. The 
heat was overpowering, and men dropped from the ranks as 
rapidly as though on a field of battle. At Vitebsk the army 
was inspected, and the emperor was alarmed at the rapid de- 
crease in his forces. Some of the divisions had lost more than 
a fourth of their men, in every corps the ranks were depleted, 
and reinforcements already had to be set on the march. 

Onward they went, here and there bringing the Russians 
to bay in a minor engagement, but nowhere meeting them in 
numbers. Europe waited in vain for tidings of a great battle, 
and Napoleon began to look upon his proud army with a feel- 
ing akin to despair. He was not alone in his eagerness for 
battle. Some of the high-spirited Russians, among them 



40 NAPOLEON AT MOSCOW 

Prince Bagration, were as eager, but as yet the prudent policy 
of Barclay de Tolly prevailed. 

On the 14th of August, the army crossed the Dnieper, and 
marched, now 175,000 strong, upon Smolensk, which was 
reached on the i6th. This ancient and venerable town was 
dear to the Russians, and they made their first determined 
stand in its defence, fighting behind its walls all day of the 
17th. Finding that the assault was likely to succeed, they set 
fire to the town at night and withdrew, leaving to the French 
a city in flames. The bridge was cut, the Russian army was 
beyond pursuit on the road to Moscow, nothing had been 
gained by the struggle but the ruins of a town. 

The situation was growing desperate. For two months 
the army had advanced without a battle of importance, and 
was soon in the heart of Russia, reduced to half its numbers, 
while the hoped-for victory seemed as far off as ever. And the 
short summer of the north was nearing its end. 

The severe winter of that climate would soon begin. Dis- 
couragement everywhere prevailed. Efforts were made by 
Napoleon's marshals to induce him to give up the losing game 
and retreat, but he was not to be moved from his purpose. A 
march on Moscow, the old capital of the empire, he felt sure 
would bring the Russians to bay. Once within its walls he 
hoped to dictate terms of peace. 

Napoleon was soon to have the battle for which his soul 
craved. Barclay's prudent and successful policy was not to 
the taste of many of the Russian leaders, and the Czar was at 
length induced to replace him by fiery old Kutusoff, who had 
commanded the Russians at Austerlitz. A change in the 
situation was soon apparent. On the 5th of September the 
French army debouched upon the plain of Borodino, on the 
road to Moscow, and the Emperor saw with joy the Russian 
army drawn up to dispute the way to the "Holy City" of the 
Muscovites. The dark columns of the troops were strongly 



NAPOLEON A T MO SCO W 4 * 

intrenched behind a small stream, frowning rows of guns threat- 
ened the advancing foe, and hope returned to the Emperor's 
heart. 

Battle began early on the 7th, and continued all the 
day, the Russians defending their ground with unyielding 
stubborness, the French attacking their positions with their 
old impetuous dash and energy. Murat and Ney were the 
heroes of the day. Again and again the Emperor was im- 
plored to send the imperial guard and overwhelm the foe, but 
he persistently refused. "If there is a second battle to-mor- 
row," he said, "what troops shall I fight it with ? It is not 
when one is eio-ht hundred leacrues from home that he risks 
his last resource." 

The guard was not needed. On the following day Kutu- 
soff was obliged to withdraw, leaving no less than 40,000 dead 
and wounded on the field. Napoleon found it expedient not to 
pursue. His own losses aggregated over 30,000, among them 
an unusual number of generals, of whom ten were killed and 
thirty-nine wounded. Napoleon named the engagement the 
Battle of the Moscow, from the river that crossed the plain, 
and honored Ney, as the hero of the day, with the title of the 
Prince of Moscow. 

On the 15th the Holy City was reached. A shout of 
" Moscow ! Moscow !" went up from the whole army as they 
gazed on the gilded cupolas and magnificent buildings of that 
famous city, brilliantly lit up by the afternoon sun. Twenty 
miles in circumference, dazzling with the green of its copper 
domes and its minarets of yellow stone, the towers and walls 
of the famous Kremlin rising above its palaces and gardens, it 
seemed like some fabled city of the Arabian Nights. With 
renewed enthusiasm the troops rushed towards It, while whole 
regiments of Poles fell on their knees, thanking God for deliv- 
ering this stronghold of their oppressors into their hands. 

It was an empty city into which the French marched ; its 



42 NAPOLEON A T MO SCO W 

streets deserted, Its dwellings silent. Its busy life had van- 
ished like a morning mist. Kutusoff had marched his army 
through it and left it to his foes. The inhabitants were gone, 
with what they could carry of their treasures. The city, like 
the empire, seemed likely to be a barren conquest, for here, as 
elsewhere, the policy of retreat, so fatal to Napoleon's hopes, 
was put into effect. The Emperor took up his abode in the 
Kremlin, within whose ample precincts he found quarters for 
the whole Imperial guard. The remainder of the army was 
stationed at chosen points about the city. Provisions were 
abundant, the houses and stores of the city being amply sup- 
plied. The army enjoyed a luxury of which it had been long 
deprived, while Napoleon confidently awaited a triumphant 
result from his victorious progress. 

A terrible disenchantment awaited the Invader. Early 
on the following morning word was brought that Moscow was 
on fire. Flames arose from houses that had not been opened. 
It was evidently a premeditated conflagration. The fire burst 
out at once In a dozen quarters, and a high wind carried the 
flames from street to street, from house to house, from church 
to church. Russians were captured who boasted that they had 
fired the town under orders and who met death unflinchingly. 
The governor had left them behind for this fell purpose. The 
poorer people, many of whom had remained hidden in their 
huts, now fled in terror, taking with them what cherished pos- 
sessions they could carry. Soon the city was a seething mass 
of flames. 

The Kremlin did not escape. A tower burst into flames. 
In vain the imperial guard sought to check the fire. No fire- 
engines were to be found in the town. Napoleon hastily left 
the palace and sought shelter outside the city. In which for 
three days the flames ran riot, feeding on ancient palaces and 
destroying untold treasures. Then the wind sank and rain 
poured upon the smouldering embers. The great city had 



NAPOLEON A T MOSCO W . 43 

become a desolate heap of smoking ruins, Into which the sol- 
diers daringly stole back In search of valuables that might 
have escaped the flames. 

Napoleon, sadly troubled in soul, sent letters to Alexander, 
suggesting the advisability of peace. Alexander left his letters 
unanswered. Until October i8th the Emperor waited, hoping 
against hope, willing to grant almost any terms for an oppor- 
tunity to escape from the fatal trap into which his overweening 
ambition had led him. No answer came from the Czar. He 
was inflexible in his determination not to treat with these 
invaders of his country. In deep dejection Napoleon at 
length gave the order to retreat — too late, as it was to prove, 
since the terrible Russian winter was ready to descend upon 
them in all its frightful strength. 

The army that left that ruined city was a sadly depleted 
one. It had been reduced to 103,000 men. The army follow- 
ers had also become greatly decreased In numbers, but still 
formed a host, among them delicate ladies, thinly clad, who 
gazed with terrified eyes from their traveling carriages upon 
the dejected troops. Articles of plunder of all kinds were 
carried by the soldiers, even the wounded In the wagons lying 
amid the spoil they had gathered. The Kremlin was destroyed 
by the rear guard, under Napoleon's orders, and over the dreary 
Russian plains the retreat began. 

It was no sooner under way than the Russian policy 
changed. From retreating, the troops everywhere advanced, 
seeking to annoy and cut off the enemy, and utterly to destroy 
the fugitive army if possible. A stand was made at the town of 
Maloi-Yaroslavitz, where a sanguinary combat took place. The 
French captured the town, but 10,000 men lay dead or 
wounded on the field, while Napoleon was forced to abandon 
his projected line of march, and to return by the route he had 
followed In his advance on Moscow. From the bloody scene 
of contest the retreat continued, the battlefield of Borodino 



44 NAPOLEON A T MO SCO W 

being crossed, and, by the middle of November the ruins of 
Smolensk were reached. 

Winter was now upon the French in all its fury. The 
food brought from Moscow had been exhausted. Famine, 
frost, and fatigue had proved more fatal than the bullets of the 
enemy. In fourteen days after reaching Moscow the army 
lost 43,000 men, leaving it only 60,000 strong. On reaching 
Smolensk it numbered but 42,000, having lost 18,000 more 
within eight days. The unarmed followers are said to have still 
numbered 60,000. Worse still, the supply of arms and provi- 
sions ordered to be ready at Smolensk was in great part lacking, 
only rye-flour and rice being found. Starvation threatened to 
aid the winter cold in the destruction of the feeble remnant of 
the " Grand Army." 

Onward went the despairing host, at every step harassed 
by the Russians, who followed like wolves on their path. Ney, 
in command of the rear-guard, was the hero of the retreat. 
Cut off by the Russians from the main column, and apparently 
lost beyond hope, he made a wonderful escape by crossing the 
Dnieper on the ice during the night and rejoining his compan- 
ions, who had given up the hope of ever seeing him again. 

On the 26th the ice-cold river Beresina was reached, des- 
tined to be the most terrible point on the whole dreadful 
march. Two bridges were thrown in all haste across the 
stream, and most of the men under arms crossed, but 18,000 
stragglers fell into the hands of the enemy. How many were 
trodden to death in the press or were crowded from the bridge 
into the icy river cannot be told. It is said that when spring 
thawed the ice 30,000 bodies were found and burned on the 
banks of the stream. A mere fragment of the great army 
remained alive. Ney was the last man to cross that frightful 
stream'. 

On the 3d of December Napoleon issued a bulletin which 
has become famous, telling the anxious nations of Europe that 



NAPOLEON A T MOSCO W 45 

the grand army was annihilated, but the Emperor was safe. 
Two days afterwards he surrendered the command of the army 
to Murat and set out at all speed for Paris, where his presence 
was indispensably necessary. On the 13th of December some 
16,000 haggard and staggering men, almost too weak to hold 
the arms to which they still despairingly clung, recrossed the 
Niemen, which the grand army had passed in such magnificent 
strength and with such abounding resources less than six 
months before. It was the greatest and most astounding dis- 
aster in the military history of the world. 

This tale of terror may be fitly closed by a dramatic story 
told by General Mathieu Dumas, who, while sitting at break- 
fast in Gumbinnen, saw enter a haororard man, with lone beard, 
blackened face, and red and glaring eyes. 

" I am here at last ! " he exclaimed. " Don't you know 
me?" 

*' No," said the general. " Who are you ?" 

*' I am the rear-guard of the Grand Army. I have fired 
the last musket-shot on the bridge of Kowno. I have thrown 
the last of our arms into the Niemen, and come hither through 
the woods. I am Marshal Ney." 

" This is the beginning of the end," said the shrewd Talley- 
rand, when Napoleon set out on his Russian campaign. The 
remark proved true ; the disaster in Russia had loosened the 
grasp of the Corsican on the throat of Europe, and the 
nations, which hated as much as they feared their ruthless 
enemy, made active preparations for his overthrow. While he 
was in France actively gathering men and materials for a 
renewed struggle, signs of an implacable hostility began to 
manifest themselves on all sides in the surrounding states. 
Belief in the invincibility of Napoleon had vanished, and little 
fear was entertained of the raw conscripts whom he was forc- 
ing into the ranks to replace his slaughtered veterans. 

With all Europe rising behind him as he retreated, all the 



46 NAPOLEON AT MOSCOW 

efforts of the great conqueror proved in vain, and he was driven 
back, step by step, until the alHed armies of Russia, Austria, 
Prussia and England closed in on him like hounds round the 
wolf at bay, and he was forced to abdicate his throne and 
exchange the dominion of half Europe for a toy kingdom on 
the little isle of Elba. His return to France and the famous 
"Hundred Days'" struggle, ending with the final defeat at 
Waterloo, were but the last desperate struggles of a ruined 
man. St. Helena followed Elba, and his career was at an 
end. But the fall of the mighty Napoleon began when he set 
his foot on the soil of Russia in his fatal march to Moscow 
and its flames. 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Wars of Russia with Turkey 

Constantinople the Great Goal of Russia — The Great War in the Crimea— England 
and France in Arms — The Valiant Attacks on the Mighty Stronghold of Sebas- 
topol — Defeat of Russia and Triumph of Turkey and Her Allies — The Bulgarian 
Powers of 1S76 — Russia in Arms Again — The Balkan Crossed — Under the Walls of 
Constantinople — The Powers of Europe Rob Russia of Her Prey. 

AMONG the most interesting phases of nineteenth-century 
history is that of the conflict between Russia and Tur- 
key, a struggle for dominion that carne down from the 
preceding centuries, and still seems only temporarily laid 
aside for final settlement in the years to come. In the eigh- 
teenth century the Turks proved quite able to hold their own 
against all the power of Russia and all the armies of Catharine 
the Great, and they entered the nineteenth century with their 
ancient dominion largely intact. But they were declining in 
strength while Russia was growing, and long before 1900 the 
empire of the Sultan would have become the prey of the Czar 
had not the other powers of Europe come to the rescue. The 
Czar Nicholas designated the Sultanas "the sick man" of 
Europe, and such he and his empire have truly become. 

The ambitious desio-ns of Russia found abundant warrant 
in the cruel treatment of the Christian people of Turkey. A 
number of Christian kingdoms lay under the Sultan's rule, in 
the South Inhabited by Greeks, in the north by Slavs ; their 
people treated always with harshness and tyranny ; their 
every attempt at revolt repressed with savage cruelty. The 
Greeks, thus harassed, rebelled against their oppressors in 
182 1, and, with the aid of Europe, won their freedom in 1829. 
Stirred by this struggle, Russia declared war against Turkey in 

47 



48 THE WARS OF RUSSIA WITH TURKEY 

1828 and, in the treaty of peace signed at Adrianople in 1829^ 
secured not only the independence of Greece, but a large 
degree of home-rule for the northern principalities of Servia, 
Moldavia, and Wallachia. Turkey was forced in a measure to 
loosen her grip on Christian Europe. But the Russians were 
not satisfied with this. They had got next to nothing for 
themselves. England and the other Western powers, fearful 
of seeing Russia in possession of Constantinople, had forced 
her to release the fruits of her victory. It was the first step in 
that jealous watchfulness of England over Constantinople 
which was to have a more decided outcome in later years. 
The new-born idea of maintaining the balance of power in 
Europe stood in Russia's way, the nations of the West view- 
ing in alarm the threatening growth of the great Muscovite 
Empire. 

The ambitious Czar Nicholas looked upon Turkey as his 
destined prey, and waited with impatience a sufficient excuse 
to send his armies again to the Balkan Peninsula, whose 
mountain barrier formed the great natural bulwark of Turkey 
in the north. Thougrh the Turkish grovernment at this time 
avoided direct oppression of its Christian subjects, the fanati- 
cal Mohammedans were difficult to restrain, and the robbery 
and murder of Christians were of common occurrence. A 
source of hostility at length arose from the question of protect- 
ing these ill-treated people. By favor of old treaties the Czar 
claimed a certain right to protect the Christians of the Greek 
faith. France assumed a similar protectorate over the Roman 
Catholics of Palestine, but the greater number of Greek 
Christians in the Holy Land, and the powerful support of the 
Czar, gave those the advantage in the frequent quarrels which 
arose in Jerusalem between the pilgrims from the East and 
the West. 

Nicholas, instigated by his advantage in this quarter, deter- 
mined to declare himself the protector of all the Christians 



THE WARS OF RUSSIA WITH TURKEY 49 

in the Turkish Empire, a claim which the Sultan dared 
not admit if he wished to hold control over his Mohammedan 
subjects. War was in the air, and England and France, resolute 
to preserve the " balance of power," sent their fleets to the 
Dardanelles as useful lookers-on. 

The Sultan had already rejected the Russian demand, and 
Nicholas lost no time in sending an army, led by Prince Gort- 
chakof. with orders to cross the Pruth and take possession of 
the Turkish provinces on the Danube. The gauntlet had 
been thrown down. War was inevitable. The English news- 
papers demanded of their government a vigorous policy. The 
old Turkish party In Constantinople was equally urgent in its 
demand for hostilities. At length, on October 4, 1853, the 
Sultan declared war against Russia unless the Danubian prin- 
cipalities should be at once evacuated. Instead of doing so, 
Nicholas ordered his generals to invade the Balkan territory, 
and on the other hand France and England entered into an 
alliance with the Porte and sent their fleets to the Bosporus. 
Shortly afterwards the Russian Admiral Nachimoff surprised 
a Turkish squadron in the harbor of Sinope, attacked it, and 
— though the Turks fought with the greatest courage — the 
ships were destroyed and nearly the whole of their crews were 
slain. 

This turned the tide in England and France, which 
declared war in 1854, while Prussia and Austria maintained a 
waiting attitude. No event of special importance took place 
early in the war. In April. Lord Raglan, with an English 
army of 20,000 men, landed in Turkey and the siege of the 
Russian city of Odessa was begun. Meanwhile the Russians 
who had crossed the Danube, found it advisable to retreat and 
withdraw across the Pruth, on a threat of hostilities from Aus- 
tria and Prussia unless the principalities were evacuated. 

The French had met with heavy losses in an advance 
from Varna, and the British fleet had made an expedition 
4 



50 THE WARS OF RUSSIA WITH TURKEY 

against St. Petersburg, but had been checked before the pow- 
erful fortress of Cronstadt. Such was the state of affairs in 
the summer of 1854, when the alHes determined to carry the 
war into the enemy's territory, attack the maritime city of 
Sebastopol in the Crimea, and seek to destroy the Russian 
naval power in the Black Sea. 

Of the allied armies 15,000 m.en had already perished. 
With the remaining forces, rather more than 50,000 British 
and French and 6,000 Turks, the fleet set sail in September 
across the Black Sea, and landed near Eupatoria on the west 
coast of the Crimean peninsula, on the 4th of September, 
1854. Southward from Eupatoria the sea forms a bay, into 
which, near the ruins of the old town of Inkermann, the little 
river Tachernaja pours itself. On its southern side lies the 
fortified town of Sebastopol ; on its northern side strong fortifi- 
cations were raised for the defence of the fleet of war which 
lay at anchor in the bay. Farther north the western moun- 
tain range is intersected by the river Alma, over which Prince 
Menshlkoff, Governor of the Crimea, garrisoned the heights 
with an army of 30,000 men. Against the latter the allies 
first directed their attack, and, in spite of the strong position 
of the Russians on the rocky slopes, MenshikofT was compelled 
to retreat, owing his escape from entire destruction only to the 
want of cavalry In the army of the allies. This dearly bought 
and bloody victory on the Alma gave rise to hopes of a speedy 
termination of the campaign ; but the allies, weakened and 
wearied by the fearful struggle, delayed a further attack, and 
Menshlkoff gained time to strengthen his garrison, and to sur- 
round Sebastopol with strong fortifications. When the allies 
approached the town they were soon convinced that any attack 
on such formidable defences would be fruitless, and that they 
must await the arrival of fresh reinforcements and ammunition. 
The English took up their position on the Bay of Balaklava, 
and the French to the west, on the Kamiesch. 



Itm W/iK:b UI' KU^^/A WriH lUKKl^Y 51 

There now commenced a siege such as has seldom occur- 
red in the history of the world. The first attempt to storm 
the works by a united attack of the land army and the fleet 
showed the resistance to be much more formidable than had 
been expected by the allies. Eight days later the English were 
surprised in their strong position near Balaklava by General 
Liprandi. The battle of Balaklava was decided in favor of the 
allies, as was also the battle of Inkermann, fought on the 5th 
of November. 

In the battle of Balaklava took place that heroic "Charge 
of the Light Brigade," which has become famous in song and 
story. Under a mistake in orders, the "gallant six hundred" 
charged headlong upon a Russian battery half a league away, 
with other guns raking them from the flank, and death envel- 
oping them on all sides. In among the guns they dashed, cut- 
ting down the gunners at their pieces, and then, when the 
order came to retreat, the bleeding remnant spurred their 
horses to the backward ride through an iron shower. One 
group of about seventy men cut their way through three 
squadrons of Russian lancers. Another party of equal strength 
broke through a second intercepting force. Out of some 647 
men in all, 247 were killed and wounded, and nearly all their 
horses were slain. Lord Cardigan, the first to enter the bat- 
tery, was one of those who came back alive. The whole affair 
had occupied no more than twenty minutes. But it was a 
twenty minutes of which the British nation has ever since been 
proud, and which Tennyson has made famous by one of the 
most spirit-stirring of his odes. The French General Bosquet 
fairly characterized the affair by his often quoted remark : 
" Cest magnijique, mats ce nest pas la gtierrey (It is magnifi- 
cent, but it is not war.) 

In the year 1855 the war was carried on with increased 
energy. Sardinia joined the allies and sent them an army of 
1 5,000 men. Austria broke with Russia and began preparations 



52 THE WARS OF RUSSIA WITH TURKEY 

for war. And in March the obstinate Czar Nicholas died 
and his milder son Alexander took his place. Peace was 
demanded in Russia, yet 25,000 of her sons had fallen and the 
honor of the nation was involved. The war went on, both 
sides increasing their forces. Month by month the allies more 
closely invested the besieged city. After the middle of August 
the assault became almost incessant, cannon balls dropping 
like an unceasing storm of hail in forts and streets. 

On the 5th of September began a terrific bombardment, 
continuing day and night for three days, and sweeping down 
5,000 Russians on the ramparts. At length, as the hour of 
noon struck on September 8th, the attack of which this play 
of artillery was the prelude began, the French assailing the 
Malakoff, the British the Redan, these being the most formid- 
able of the defensive works of the town. The French assault 
was successful, and Sebastopol became untenable. That night 
the Russians blew up their remaining forts, sunk their ships of 
war, and marched out of the town, leaving it as the prize of 
victory to the allies. Soon after Russia gained a success by 
capturing the Turkish fortress of Kars, in Asia Minor, and, 
her honor satisfied with this success, a treaty of peace was 
concluded. In this treaty the Black Sea was made neutral 
and all ships of war were excluded from its waters, while the 
safety of the Christians of Wallachia, Moldavia and Servia 
was assured by making these principalities practically indepen- 
dent, under the protection of the powers of Europe, 

Turkey came out of the war weakened and shorn of ter- 
ritory. But the Turkish idea of government remained un- 
changed, and in twenty years' time Russia was fairly goaded 
into another war. In 1875 Bosnia rebelled in consequence of 
the insufferable oppression of the Turkish tax-collectors. The 
brave Bosnians maintained themselves so sturdily in their 
mountain fastnesses that the Turks almost despaired of sub- 
duing them, and the Christian subjects of the Sultan in all 



THE WARS OP RUSSIA WITH TURKEY 53 

quarters became so stirred up that a general revolt was 
threatened. 

The Turks undertook to prevent this in their usual 
fashion. Irregular troops were sent into Christian Bulgaria 
with orders to kill all they met. It was an order to the 
Mohammedan taste. The defenceless villages of Bulgaria 
were entered and the inhabitants slaughtered in cold blood, 
till thousands of men, women and children had been slain. 

When tidings of these atrocities reached Europe, the 
nations were filled with horror. The Sultan made smooth 
excuses, and diplomacy sought to settle the affair, but it became 
evident that a massacre so terrible as this could not be con- 
doned so easily. Disraeli, then prime minister of Great 
Britain, sought to dispose of these reports as matters for jest ; 
but Gladstone, at that time in retirement, arose in his might, 
and by his pamphlet on the " Bulgarian Horrors" so aroused 
public sentiment in England that the government dared not 
sustain Turkey in the coming war. 

Hostilities were soon proclaimed. The Russians — of the 
same race and religious sect as the Bulgarians — were excited 
beyond control, and in April, 1877, Alexander II declared war 
against Turkey. The outrages of the Turks had been so fla- 
grant that no allies came to their aid, while the rottenness of 
their empire was shown by the rapid advance of the Russian 
armies. 

They crossed the Danube in June, In a month they 
had occupied the principal passes of the Balkan mountains and 
were in position to descend on the broad plain that led to Con- 
stantinople. But at this point in their career they met with a 
serious check. Osman Pasha, the single Turkish commander 
of ability that the war developed, occupied the town of Plevna 
with such forces as he could gather, fortified it as strongly as 
possible, and from behind its walls defied the Russians. 

They dared not advance and leave this stronghold in their 



54 THE WARS OP RUSSIA WITH TURKEY 

rear. For five months all the power of Russia and the skill of 
its generals were held in check by this brave man and his few 
followers, until Europe and America alike looked on with 
admiration at his remarkable defence, in view of which the 
cause of the war was almost forgotten. The Russian general 
Kriidener was repulsed with the loss of 8,000 men. The dar- 
ing Skobeleff strove in vain to launch his troops over Osman's 
walls. At length General Todleben undertook the siege, 
adopting the slow but safe method of starving out the 
defenders. At the head of his brave garrison the " Lion of 
Plevna " sallied from the city, and fought with desperate cour-^ 
age to break through the circle of his foes. He was finally 
driven back into the city and compelled to surrender. 

Osman had won glory, and his fall was the fall of the 
Turkish cause. The Russians crossed the Balkan, capturing 
in the Schipka Pass a Turkish army of 30,000 men. Adrian- 
ople was taken, and the Turkish line of retreat cut off. The 
Russians marched to the Bosporus, and the Sultan was com- 
pelled to sue for peace to save his capital from falling into the 
hands of the Christians, as it had fallen into those of the 
Turks four centuries before. 

Russia had won the game for which she had made so long 
a struggle. The treaty of Santo Stefano practically decreed the 
dissolution of the Turkish empire. But at this juncture the 
other nations of Europe took part. They were not content to 
see the balance of power destroyed by Russia becoming master 
' of Constantinople, and England demanded that the treaty 
should be revised by the European powers. Russia protested, 
but Disraeli threatened war, and the Czar gave way. The 
Congress of Berlin, to which the treaty was referred, settled 
the question by decreeing the independence of Montenegro, 
Roumania and Servia, and the partial freedom of Bulgaria. 
Bosnia and Herzegovina were placed under the control of 
Austria, and Russia obtained some provinces in Asia Minor. 



CHAPTER V. 

Recent Emperors of Russia and Their Reigns 

Nicholas I on the Throne — An Advocate of Despotism — The Acts of the Autocrat — 
War -with Turkey — The Great Revolt of the Poles — Harsh Treatment of Poland — 
Cracow Loses its Liberty — Russia in Hungary — The War in the Caucasus — 
Schamyl's Brilliant Defence — The Crimean War — -Alexander II and the Freeing 
of the Serfs — Other Reforms — Poland in Arms Again — Other Military Affairs — 
The Dread Work of the Nihilists — Alexander III and His Autocratic Measures — - 
Nicholas II and the Great Peace Conference — The Harsh Treatment of Finland — 
Movements of Russia in Asia. 

ALEXANDER I, famous among the Czars of Russia for 
his relation to the career of Napoleon and his promi- 
nent share in the overthrow of the great conqueror, died 
on the ist of December, 1825, leaving the throne to his brother 
Nicholas, Constantine, the elder brother, a man in many re- 
spects unfitted for the throne, having renounced his claim in 
1822. The new Czar was twenty years younger than his 
brother Alexander, being twenty-nine years of age on taking 
the throne. He delayed doing this until Constantine should 
confirm his renunciation, with the unfortunate result of 
bringing on a revolt in the army in favor of Constantine and 
a constitutional government. The revolt was not put down 
without bloodshed, and it left an indelible impression in favor 
of autocratic rule in the mind of the new Czan He had been 
^ trained in the midst of the tyrannical reaction that followed the 
fall of Napoleon, and was, in addition, despotic by nature, and 
the determination became fixed in his mind never to relax the 
grasp of autocratic authority. 

Foulke, in his suggestive " Slav or Saxon," speaks of 
Nicholas and his despotism as follows : " It is characteristic of 
Russian ignorance of all notions of freedom, that when the 

55 



56 RECEN7 EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 

cry of * Long live the Constitution ! ' was raised, the soldiers 
believed that the word * Constitution ' referred to the wife of 
the Grand Duke, Constantine, whom they thought lawfully 
entitled to the throne." Pastel, the leading spirit of this unripe 
movement for liberty, said : " I tried to gather the harvest 
without sowing the seed." Nicholas was the incarnation of 
despotism. His tyranny cut Russia off from communication 
with Western Europe. The severity of the censorship under 
his reign, the restrictions upon travel and education, and the 
inquisitorial methods of his police can hardly be believed by 
those accustomed to liberty. The most stringent regulations 
were made concerning tutors and governesses •; their morality, 
including their political opinions, must be certified to by one 
of the universities. It was forbidden to send young men to 
study in Western colleges, and every obstacle was thrown in 
the way of foreign travel and residence. Philosophy could 
not be taught in the universities. This branch of knowledge 
was put under the control of ignorant ecclesiastics. It is easy 
to imagine how it flourished under such care. The press be- 
came the instrument of reaction. A newspaper which advo- 
cated the ideas of Adam Smith was regarded as dangerous, 
and suppressed. The daily journals themselves began to wage 
war against liberty of thought and all foreign innovations. It 
is melancholy to contemplate the misfortunes which Russia 
suffered under the stern rule of Nicholas. 

The tutors of Nicholas were all military, and while still 
young he identified himself with military affairs, becoming so 
completely a soldier that he could not even bear to dress in 
civil costume. His accession was quickly followed by war 
with Turkey, brought about by the Greek struggle for liberty. 
Russia took part in the memorable destruction of the Turkish 
fleet at Navarino, and a war, in which Nicholas was present in 
person, began with Turkey in 1828. Of the results of this war 
we have elsewhere spoken. 



RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 57 

The conclusion of this conflict was quickly followed by a 
patriotic outbreak of the people of Poland, who bitterly 
resented the loss of their ancient liberty and the tyranny to 
which they were subjected. A conspiracy was formed and an 
Insurrection began on September 29, 1830. An attempt was 
made to seize the Grand Duke Constantlne, whose brutal 
measures had provoked the revolt, and many Russians were 
slain In the streets of Warsaw. The Poles raised an army of 
90,000 men. The Russians Invaded their country with 1 20,000. 
Several bloody battles were fought, with varied success, but in 
August, 1 83 1, a Russian army marched on Warsaw, which, 
after a heroic defense, was forced to surrender on the 7th of 
September. The result of this war was to take from Poland 
what few vestiges of its old freedom it retained. Its flag of 
the white eagle, which had flown over so many victories, was 
abolished. Its army was incorporated with that of Russia. Its 
higher schools were suppressed, its rich libraries carried ofT to 
St. Petersburg, and, finally, the constitution granted by 
Alexander I was taken from it and Poland declared a Russian 
province. Such was the way of Nicholas in dealing with 
Polish patriotism. 

In 1846 the Poles were again In arms. The independ- 
ence of Cracow and its small territory had been guaranteed 
by treaty, but Nicholas did not hesitate to march troops into 
the city to suppress an insurrection that had broken out 
against Austria. The insurgents were soon put down by their 
two great enemies, and the Russian troops were withdrawn, 
leavlngr Austria free to annex the dominion of Cracow and 
put an end to this last remnant of the once great kingdom of 
Poland. 

A much more threatening outbreak of the peoples of 
Eastern Europe was that of the Hungarians against Austria 
in 1849, as one of the consequences of the French revolution 
of 1848. Hotly pressed by the Magyars of Hungary, the 



58 RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 

Austrian Emperor appealed to his brother of Russia for aid, 
and Nicholas responded by sending into Hungary an army 
nearly 200,000 strong. Brave and ably led as were the Hun- 
garians, they could not long make head against Russia and 
Austria combined, and despotism triumphed over their un- 
happy land, the end of the war being followed by a display of 
brutality and cruelty on the part of Austria that excited the 
indignation of Europe. 

These military movements in the West were matched by 
others of greater moment to Russia in the East. While the 
war of 1828 with Turkey was going on Russian troops were 
sent into the mountain land of the Caucasus, between the 
Black and Caspian Seas, and a vigorous invasion of Asiatic 
Turkey was made by this route. With a force of 12,000 men 
General Paskevitch captured in four days the strong fortress 
of Kars, which had long defied all its foes. Then, leading his 
men over mountains deemed impassable, the Russian general 
attacked the highland fortress of Akhalzikh, in the heart of 
Circassia. 

The siege of this stronghold continued for three weeks, 
at the end of which time the supplies of the Russians were 
exhausted, and it became necessary to abandon the siege or 
attempt to take the place by storm, with the danger of utter 
destruction by the hostile army, five times their strength. 

Paskevitch had the courage to attempt the latter course. 
On the 26th of August, at four o'clock in the afternoon, the 
storming column, led by Colonel Borodin, commenced the 
assault, and after incredible resistance forced its way into the 
town. Here a desperate struggle awaited them. It was 
necessary to carry by storm each house in succession, and 
every step in advance was dearly bought. The battle lasted 
all night in the midst of a conflagration, which extended over 
the whole city. Several times fortune seemed to favor the 
enemy, who were very numerous. The Russian commander, 



RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 59 

however, skilfully kept back the weakest of his columns, sent 
regiment after regiment into the engagement, and was eventu- 
ally victorious. On the morning of the 28th of August the 
flag of St. George waved over the fortress of Akhalzikh, and 
Russia had won a powerful centre of operations in the Asiatic 
district of Georgia. 

The bold mountaineers of Circassia, however, who had 
maintained their independence from time immemorial, were 
not so easily subdued. During a great part of the reign of 
Nicholas a persistent effort on the part of Russia to conquer 
this brave people was made. Schamyl, the hero of the Cau- 
casus, defended his native land with a courao-e and skill which 
won the admiration of the world, and for many years defied 
all the power of Russia. At length the policy was adopted of 
surrounding the district which he occupied with strong out- 
posts, and gradually drawing the cordon tighter. This new 
system of tactics, beginning in 1844, was continued for fifteen 
years, during which Schamyl brilliantly kept up the defiance 
of Russia. Eventually he was forced to yield, and the liberty 
of his country came to an end, thousands of the Mohammedan 
Circassians emigrating to Turkey, rather than submit to their 
hated invaders. 

To the greatest struggle of the reign of Nicholas I., the 
Crimean war against the allied powers of Turkey, England, 
and France, we have devoted a separate chapter, and need 
merely mention it here as the last military event of his warlike 
career. He died on February 18, 1855, feeling the bitterness 
of defeat, and leaving the closing of the unsuccessful war to 
his son Alexander, on whom he is said to have laid two injunc- 
tions — to liberate the serfs, and never to grant a constitution 
to Poland. 

Alexander II, the new Czar, was a very different charac- 
ter from his father. In him the stern, despotic temper of 
Nicholas was replaced by a milder disposition and more liberal 



6o RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 

sentiment, the most striking manifestation of which was shown 
in his Hberation of the serfs. This, the great achievement of 
his reign, whether done in response to the injunction of his 
dying father or not, was in great measure his own work. By his 
signature to the act of emancipation in 1861, the vast number 
of 22,000,000 serfs, who had been held in bondage for centu- 
ries, were set free, and one of the greatest abuses of Russian 
poHcy was brought to an end. 

The rural population of Russia, free for many centuries, 
had been chained as serfs to the soil about the end of the i6Lh 
century, this act of oppression being legalized by the Emperor 
Alexis in 1649. ^^^ injustice of this was felt for two centu- 
ries, but it was not till the awakening of the reform spirit in 
the middle of the nineteenth that any monarch was found 
with the couraee to brine it to an end. It remained for 
Alexander II and the growing enlightenment of the age to 
accomplish this great work. The landlords were to be paid 
an indemnity, and to release their serfs from their seigniorial 
obligations, and the land of the village communfe became the 
actual property of the serfs. The indemnity was paid by the 
help of sums advanced by the government, and an interest of 
six per cent, was added ; in forty-six years' time the govern- 
ment was to be entirely reimbursed. 

This great economic revolution was consummated with 
comparatively few outbreaks on the part of the peasants. In 
some districts of Russia, as, for instance, the Government of 
Kazan, there were riots among the peasants, who could not 
understand how- it was that they had to pay for land which 
they had always regarded as their own. These riots were soon 
quelled, although they were frequently taken advantage of 
by Anarchists. The Schlakhta, or petite noblesse of Russia, 
seem to have suffered the most, as they were in the habit of 
employing their peasants as domestics, and were thus deprived 
of their services. 



RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 6i 

Alexander took other important steps of reform, one of 
the most notable of these being the creation of the zemstovs, or 
local assemblies, for the exercise of local self-government. 
These contain representatives from the noble and the peasant 
classes, the nobles usually having the preponderance, and 
have to do with questions concerning education, highways, 
sanitation, fire protection, and other minor concerns, all mat- 
ters of national politics being strictly forbidden. 

Other reforms of the early years of Alexander's reign 
were the abolition of many of the restrictions of the cen- 
sorship over publications, and the establishment of a system 
of public tribunals to replace the secret ones that had long 
prevailed, and were deeply infiltrated by Injustice and venality. 
Higher salaries were now paid, the profession of the Bar came 
into being, and criminal cases were tried by jury. But politi- 
cal trials continued secret, and the right to banish those sus- 
pected of designs against the State was retained. 

The reign of Alexander, like that of his father Nicholas, 
was disturbed by a great insurrection of the Poles, whose 
aspirations for liberty had not been extinguished by the severe 
measures of their stern masters. Though her political life 
seemed extinct, Poland had clung- to herlaneuaee and religion, 
and the spirit of liberty still smouldered in the souls of her 
people. 

In 1863 the bitter hostility of the people to their tyran- 
nical masters led to a final effort to win back their lost liberty. 
A feeling of restless dissatisfaction had existed for a number 
of years, but the outbreak seems to have been immediately 
due to the seizure of a number of suspected revolutionists, 
who were forced to serve in the Russian army. The poorly 
armed and unorganized peasants had from the start no hope 
of success against the 87,000 trained troops that were sent 
into their territory. Many of them were armed only with 
pikes, scythes, and even sticks and had to contend against 



62 RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 

men armed with the most improved weapons. In a year's 
time the outbreak had been completely suppressed, and its 
leaders executed, while every vestige of a separate nationality 
in Poland was brought to an end. 

Other military affairs of the reign of Alexander II were 
the capture of Shamyl and the final subjection of the Circas- 
sians, the conquest of Turkestan,— as described in a later 
chapter, — and the war against Turkey of 1877-78, also else- 
where described. In civil affairs the liberal and humane policy 
of Alexander was far from keeping pace with the demands of 
the more revolutionary of his subjects, and the secret associa- 
tion of the Nihilists came into existence, the struggle of 
which with the despotism of the government was the most 
remarkable feature of the time. To murder the representa- 
tives of the autocracy was the inherent method of Nihilism, 
and in consequence the latter part of Alexander's reign was dis- 
turbed by many attempts against his life by these revolution- 
ists, to whom execution, or torture even, had no terrors. 

On April 16, 1866, Karakazov shot at the Czar in St. 
Petersburg, and. the attempt might have succeeded had not a 
peasant named Komisarov-Kostromski pushed away the assas- 
sin's arm. In the following year a Pole, named Berezowski, 
attempted his life at Paris while he was on a visit to Napoleon 
III. In 1878 Metzentsev, the head of the gendarmerie at 
St. Petersburg, was killed ; and in the following year three 
attempts were made upon the life of the Emperor, which were 
nearly successful. Soloviov aimed a pistol at the Czar, for 
which he was executed, and attempts were made to blow up 
part of the Winter Palace, and also to wreck the train by 
which the Emperor was traveling in the south of Russia. On 
the 1 2th of March, 1881, Alexander was killed by a hand- 
grenade on the bank of the Catharine Canal at St. Petersburg. 
Before this time a mine had been discovered under the Malaya 
Sadovaya, by which street the Emperor was to pass. It had 



RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 63 

been dug with great labor, as all the earth had to be secretly 
moved away in bags. A shop had been hired, from which the 
mining was begun, and at this shop one of the female conspir- 
ators ostensibly sold butter and eggs. On the day of his 
murder the Emperor was proceeding from the Mikhaliovski 
riding-school when a shot struck the carriage. Getting out to 
inquire what was the matter, the Emperor was hit by a hand- 
grenade and desperately wounded ; he had only strength to 
cry out : Vozmi v dvoriets, tarn uineret, " take me to the palace 
to die there." Zhelnikov, the conspirator who had thrown the 
bomb, was himself killed by the explosion. Another confed- 
erate blew out his brains as soon as he was arrested. The 
conspirators were found to be six in number, and were con- 
demned to death ; one, a Jewess, Jessa Helfmann, was sent 
into banishment. The others : Zhelabovski Sophia Perovskaya, 
who, by letting fall a handkerchief, had given the signal to the 
assassins, and Kibalchich, Risakov and Mikhailov were 
sentenced to be hanged. On the 15th of April, 1881, they 
suffered death on the Semenovski Place near St. Petersburg. 
Sophia Perovskaya was a woman of undaunted courage, and 
met her fate with a spirit worthy of a better cause. 

Thus perished Alexander II, a man of amiable character 
if not of great strength of mind, in whose reign Russia cer- 
tainly made considerable constitutional progress. To him she 
owes the establishment of the zemstvo, and the legal reform, 
but before all other things, the emancipation of the serfs. It 
is well known also that, at the date of his death, he was about 
to summon a national sobor or parliament, which had existed 
in the old times, but had been in abeyance since the days of 
the Emperor Feodor, at the close of the seventeenth century. 
This wouid have been a direct step towards constitutional 
government. Thus the assassins hurt instead of helping their 
own cause ; a usual result, indeed, of this violent method of 
winning reform or gaining the redress of grievances. 



64 RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 

Alexander III, who succeeded his father in i88i, and was 
crowned May 27, 1883, had, when Crown Prince, strongly 
opposed the ultra-conservative policy of his father's later 
years, so much so as to come into open rupture with him in 
1879. But the fatal act of the Nihilists seems to have worked 
a radical change in his opinions, and he fell under the influence 
of the reactionists, vigorously seeking to suppress Nihilism, 
and maintaining throughout his reign the despotic principles 
which had so long prevailed. Education was seriously inter- 
fered with, even primary instruction being restricted, and the 
schools placed under the control of the clergy, than whom no 
more unfit body of teachers could have been selected. The 
censorship of the press and of all literature was made more 
stringent than it had been in the time of Peter the Great; the 
police system became a system of maddening espionage, in 
which the most secret affairs of the people were at the mercy 
of innumerable spies, and in every direction liberalism in 
Russia found itself at the mercy of the autocratic government. 

The reign of the third Alexander was uneventful from a 
political point of view. The military power of Russia was 
developed, the policy of expansion in Asia diligently pursued, 
and great progress made in the extension of railways through 
the Asiatic dominions of the empire. But the Czar was 
strongly devoted to peace, and used all his power to keep 
Russia out of international complications. Attempts to take 
his life were made by the Nihilists in 1887, and he narrowly 
escaped death by an accident on the Transcaspian Railway in 
1888. He died of organic disease at Livadia, in the Crimea, 
November i, 1894, his son, the Crown Prince Nicholas, suc- 
ceeding him as Nicholas II. 

Nicholas, while heir apparent, had made a long tour in 
Eastern Asia in 1890. During this journey the great Trans- 
siberian Railway was begun, and the young prince had the 
honor of cutting the first turf in the building of its eastern 



RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 65 

section, that to extend northward from Vladivostok to the 
Amur River, and there to meet the main Hne on its approach 
from the west. It need but be said here that the branch Hne 
thus inaugurated has been rendered practically useless by the 
more direct route taken across Manchuria by the completed 
road. 

The new Czar was not long on the throne before he gave 
a practical demonstration that he shared the dislike of war 
entertained by his father. On August 24, 1898, the Foreign 
Minister of Russia handed to the representatives of foreign 
governments at the Russian court a proposition emanating 
from the Emperor that was startling in its significance. It 
was a proposal for the disarming of the nations and the main- 
tenance of general peace in the world, and asking for a con- 
ference to consider in what way this could be brought about. 
This important conference was held in the spring of 1899, and 
resulted in the formation of The Hague Arbitration Tribunal, 
an important international court, which has already done some 
noble work in the direction indicated by the Czar, and which 
in time may go far in bringing about the abolition of war. 

The treatment of Finland, however, by the government 
of Nicholas II is not highly in accordance with the noble sen- 
timents expressed in his proposition to the great Powers. 
That country was annexed to Russia with the express under- 
standing that its separate autonomy should be preserved, the 
Czar of Russia being Grand Duke of Finland, which, in its 
internal administration, had the powers of an independent 
state. This independence has been rudely dealt with since 
Nicholas came to the throne, and Finland to-day has been re- 
duced almost to the condition of Poland, as a province of the 
empire deprived very largely of its constitutional rights and 
privileges. 

The most important events of the reign of Nicholas II 
had to do with the continent of Asia, and consist in the 

5 



66 RECENT EMPERORS OF RUSSIA 

expansion of the Russian dominion in that continent, the com- 
pletion of the Transsiberian Railway, and its extension to Port 
Arthur, obtained by Russia after the victory of Japan over 
China. More recent have been the part taken by Russia in the 
Boxer outbreak in China, the occupation of Manchuria, the 
failure to comply with treaty obligations for its evacuation, and 
the war with Japan brought about by this failure. These 
events are merely glanced at here, as events of the reign of 
Nicholas II, and will be treated at length in later chapters. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Russia in Central Asia 

A Land of Deserts and Oases — The Countries and Rivers of Turkestan — Russia on the 
Caspian — The Invasion of Kokan — Capture of an Impregnable Fort — Bokhara 
Conquers Kokan — A Holy War Proclaimed — The Fanaticism of the Turkomans — 
A Land of Ignorance and Saints — The Old City of Samarkand Taken — The Conquest 
of Bokhara and Khiva — The Zekke Turkomans and their Country — Skobeleff 
Takes their Stronghold — A Terrible Massacre — Other Conquests in Central Asia — 
The Wily Russian Methods in Asia — The Russian Compared with the Briton — Gold, 
Diplomacy and the Sword the Russian Weapons. 

CENTRAL ASIA, or Turkestan, is In great part a desert, 
its nomad inhabitants being fiercer and more warlike 
than the Kirghis. This desert region, however, con- 
tains three great oases, with several smaller ones, in which the 
soil is of the highest fertility. Abundant harvests of grain and 
the most delicious fruits are produced, while several manufac- 
turing interests give employment to the town populations. 
Each oasis had formerly its distinct government, forming the 
Khanats of Khiva, Bokhara, and Kokan, which were ruled 
with the most absolute tyranny. Their principal cities, Khiva, 
Bokhara, Samarkand, large as they appear in the mirage 
of Oriental exaggeration, were described by Vambery as 
chiefly mud-built towns, far below the Persian cities in charac- 
ter, which, in turn, are immeasurably below the grade of a 
European city. The oases are watered by the two great rivers 
of Central Asia, the Amu and Syr-Daria, which traverse their 
whole area, the waters of the former being employed to so 
great an extent in agricultural irrigation as to render it unnavi- 
gable in certain seasons of the year. 

Khiva, the most westerly of these Khanats, has the Cas- 
pian Sea for its western, the sea of Aral for its northern 

67 



68 RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 

boundary. The Amu-Daria traverses it, and also Bokhara, 
which lies to the east. Kokan lies to the northeast of the lat- 
ter country. It is an extensive and fertile region, watered by 
the Syr-Daria and by several other important streams, and 
has, like the other sections, a nomad and a settled population. 
The Turkoman tribes of the desert were long in the habit of 
diversifying their pastoral labors by piratical excursions on the 
Caspian, and by raids into Persia, whence they annually brought - 
large numbers of captives, who were sold into slavery to the 
neishborins^ oases. 

Turkestan may be viewed as the headquarters of Islam- 
ism, its inhabitants for centuries displaying a fanaticism and a 
fierce intolerance of other creeds which long rendered the life 
of a European not worth an hour's purchase throughout the 
whole region. This was the principal cause of the mystery so 
long surrounding it. Vambery, in his travels in this region, 
was in constant danger of his life, though he had spent years 
in perfecting himself in the language and in the habits of a 
dervish, and though he traveled in all the rags and discomforts 
of the most bigoted fanatic. 

The advances of Russia in this direction date as far back 
as 1602. In this year, 'the Cossacks took the city of Khiva, 
but they were attacked and defeated in their return across the 
desert. Again in 1703 during the reign of Peter the Great, 
the Khan of Khiva placed his dominions under Russian rule. 
The gradual conquest of the nomads of the district of Oren- 
burg opened a path for Russia to the sea of Aral, on which 
she firmly established herself. Khiva continued friendly until 
the nineteenth century, when a change took place in the ruling 
family, after which period the Khivans were bitterly hostile. 

In 1835 a post on the eastern shore of the Caspian was 
seized and a fort built, which, in connection with several armed 
steamers, was of the utmost importance in repressing the Turko- 
man pirates, who used this inland sea as an avenue of incursion 



RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 69 

into Persia. In 1839 war broke out with Khiva, and a Rus- 
sian expedition was sent into the latter country. It proved 
unsuccessful, except in frightening the Khan into the release 
of some four hundred Russian prisoners which he held. 

But the most available avenue of action for Russia was by 
the rivers traversing these regions, the desert proving a dan- 
gerous feature in land expeditions. As both of these run into 
the Aral it was necessary to make this her principal centre of 
operation. The Amu-Daria, however, despite its more favor- 
able position, as running through the centre of Khiva and 
Bokhara, is not safely navigable, being full of shifting sand- 
banks. Hence the Syr-Daria became the most desirable chan- 
nel of operation, it being navigable for a long distance from its 
mouth. A great part of the lower course of this river is 
through a vast desert region, only relieved by the narrow belt 
of fertile soil on each side of the stream. It thus affords the 
only safe avenue of approach to Kokan, and thence to the 
other Khanats, all other routes being over dangerous deserts. 

The Kokanians, as if aware of this fact, began, about the 
beginning of the nineteenth century, to extend their dominion 
westwardly ; building several forts along the river, of which 
the principal, Ak-Mechet, was erected about 181 7. It was 
used as a means of extorting tribute from the Kirghiz tribes, 
who resorted to the river to pass the winter, and who suffered 
severely from the rapacity of their oppressors. 

The modern advance of Russia into Central Asia must be 
dated from 1835, ^^ which year a fort was erected on the east- 
ern shore of the Caspian, for the purpose of suppressing pira- 
cies. Her hostile appearance on the Sea of Aral dates from 
1847. Michell says that "In order to make the influence of 
Russia felt by the Khanats of Central Asia, and for the pro- 
tection of the Kirghizes subject to Russia, who roamed on the 
Syr-Daria, it was necessary that she should predominate with- 
out a rival on the Sea of Aral." 



70 RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 

In consequence, a fortification was built in the year 184'/, 
near the mouth of the river, which received the name of Fort 
Aralsk. This proceeding excited the hostiUty of the Khivans, 
who had also erected forts on the south side of the stream. 
In August a body of 2,000 Khivans fell on the Russian Kirg- 
hizes, taking great numbers of prisoners. The first encounter 
with the Russians was in consequence of this event, the 
marauders being defeated and the prisoners released. During 
the succeeding year there were several such incursions, in 
which the nomads suffered severely. Being compelled to fly 
from each encounter with the Russians, the Khivans, at length 
realized their own weakness, and confined themselves to 
demandine the demolition of the Russian forts. 

In the commencement of this occupation, Russia had 
launched two vessels upon the Sea of Aral, and in the year 
1853 two steamers were brought in pieces from Sweden, and 
launched upon the Syr-Daria. One of these steamers was armed 
with three howitzers ; the other being a steam barge, was pro- 
vided with means for mounting guns. Meanwhile the Koka- 
nians had developed active hostility, The two powers first 
came into collision in 1851, when the Tartars, having driven 
off 75,000 head of Kirghiz cattle, were attacked by the Rus- 
sians and one of their forts taken. This, however, did not put 
a stop to their depredations. 

In the year 1852 an armed expedition was sent against 
the fort Ak-Mechet. The Kokanians, to check it, flooded the 
low lands surrounding, and though the Cossack troops, after 
overcoming hosts of difficulties, stormed and took the outer 
works, they were repelled by the lofty earth walls within, on 
which their guns made no impression, and finally forced to 
retreat. In the following year it was determined to take Ak- 
Mechet at any cost. A force of over 2,000 men, strongly 
armed, left the frontier, and succeded in overcoming all obsta- 
cles and capturing the fort. 



RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 71 

In 1 86 1 possession was taken of a small fortress called 
Djulek, which was strengthened and garrisoned. This point 
lay within striking distance of the Khanat, being on the bor- 
ders of northern Kokan, a district of fine climate and fertile 
soil ; beyond which lay the town of Vernoje. The region 
thus occupied by Russia was chiefly a desert, its only inhabita- 
ble portion being the narrow belt on each side of the river. 

The ostensible objects of the Russians in these various 
movements were the completion of their lines, and the removal 
of their strong-holds from the desert to the inhabited border 
of Turkestan. Taking advantage of the internal dissensions of 
the Khanats they had resolutely forced their way down the Syr- 
Daria, and established military posts within thirty-two miles of 
the town of Tashkend, the military key to Central Asia. This 
movement, in connection with the forts erected in the steppes, 
surrounded the Kirghiz hordes with military stations, and in 
1864 it was officially announced by Russia that, the above 
objects being attained, her aggressive policy was ended. 

Meanwhile, in 1862, Kokan had been invaded by the Emir 
of Bokhara and completely conquered. In consequence of the 
disorganized condition of affairs, resulting from this conquest 
the Russian camp was visited in the latter part of 1864 by a 
deputation from Tashkend, bearing a petition for protection 
from the merchants of that town. In spite of the late announce- 
ment of a policy of non-aggression, this opportunity was imme- 
diately embraced ; a Cossack force marched into the interior 
of Kokan and occupied the capital. 

The renewal of military operations thus begun, did not 
stop here, but was vigorously continued, and early in 1866 a 
large portion of Kokan was seized by the Russian forces. 
The Emir of Bokhara, holding as he had done, military posses- 
sion of Kokan, became alarmed and infuriated at these threat- 
ening advances, and at once proclaimed a holy war against 
the aggressors. Colonel Struve, the eminent astronomer, 



72 RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 

who had been sent on an embassy from the Russian 
camp, was seized and imprisoned ; religious emissaries were 
sent throughout the country, preaching " Death to the infi- 
del ! " and every effort was made to raise troops to repel the 
invasion. 

Of all the portions of the earth which make even the most 
feeble claim to civilization, Turkestan then took the lead in 
ignorance and fanaticism. Its Islamismwas of the most rabid 
cast, and was accompanied by an intolerance not known else- 
where on earth. For a known European to cross their borders 
was almost certain death. Vambery only succeeded in trav- 
ersing their country by his deep disguise and long experience 
in Dervish customs, and members even of the opposing sect 
of Mohammedans to which the Persians belong were tolerated 
only as slaves. This exclusiveness which rendered the Khanats 
almost terra incognita, kept their inhabitants ignorant of the 
world of outside barbarians. The invasion of Europe by the 
Turks, and the consequent dismay into which all Christendom 
was thrown, remained to them as a thing of yesterday, and the 
most extravagant ideas were held in relation to the power and 
influence of the Sublime Porte. To their ignorant fancy 
Europe still bent in cringing submission to the Turk, and they 
imagined that a bare promise of assistance from the Sultan 
would drive the invader in terror from the holy soil of Turkes- 
tan. They depended also on two other powerful aids against 
aggression. One of these, and the most effective in our eyes, 
was the extensive deserts surrounding their territory. The 
other, to them far more efficacious, was the large number 
of saints buried in their soil. They seemed to imagine that 
the bones of the saintly dead would rise and form a spectral 
cordon utterly impassable to infidel foot. 

It is not surprising that with such powerful auxiliaries the 
Emir rapidly succeeded in raising a strong force, and was 
successful in defeating the Russians, who had marched into 




TYPES OF RUSSIAN AND JAPANESE SOLDIERS 

At the leftare Japanese artillery, cavalry and infantry. At the right are the Russian cossack, trooper and 
artillery. In the center is a map of the scene of hostilities. 




MAP OF THE WAR IN THE FAR EAST 

The difference in time between Washington and the principal loreign citie'^. taking February qlh, noon, 
as a starting point, is as follows: at London it was 5.00 r.m., St. Petersburg 7.00 r.M., I'ekin about 
12.40 A.M. February 10th, Port Arthur i.oo a.m. February 10th, Tokio about 12.30 a.m. February 10th. 



RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 73 

Bokhara with the purpose of Uberating Colonel Struve. The 
repulsed force retreated in order, in spite of all the efforts of 
their enemy, and before the latter had much leisure for exulta- 
tation over their success, a second advance was made, resulting 
in the capture of the large town of Khojend, and of other 
important posts, which completed the conquest of Kokan. 
The Emir, astonished that the Sublime Porte had not annihi- 
lated the invader, and that the saints had serenely slept on 
with the foot^of the infidel upon their graves, now sued for 
peace, which was readily granted. 

War broke out again in 1868, this time leading to the 
defeat of the Khivans and the occupation of Samarcand, one 
of the most ancient and famous cities of Central Asia, the 
date of whose origin reaches far back towards the birth of his- 
tory. A vigorous effort was made by the enraged Mussel- 
mans to retake this holy city, and the Russians were defeated 
and driven to the citadel, where, for eight days, they were 
closely besieged. They were soon relieved, however, the 
Emir was driven from the city, and firm possession was main- 
tained. Dispirited by these reverses, in July, 1868, the Emir 
sued for peace, offering terms highly advantageous to the inva- 
ders. Samarcand was ceded to Russia, along with three other 
stations, which were shrewdly selected to give full military 
control of the country. One of these was a point on the road 
from Samarcand to Afghanistan, The second was an import- 
ant station lying between Samarcand and Bokhara. The third 
lay near the Oxus, the three forming a triangle which, strongly 
occupied, would effectually lock Bokhara in the military 
embrace of Russia. 

To proceed with our story of military progress, it may be 
said that the conquest the historian cites, of Samarcand and 
Bokhara in 1868, was followed by the fall of Khiva in 1873. 
Russia thus became lord and master of the great oases and 
the chief regions of Central Asia lay at her feet. The 



74 RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 

complete control of Kokan was accomplished In 1875-76, at the 
cost of a fierce war, and the Khanat was annexed to Russia, 
this completing the acquisition of the fertile provinces of Tur- 
kestan. But the fierce nomads of the desert region continued 
unsubdued, and the southern oasis of Merv and the country 
of the warlike Tekke Turkomans remained to conquer. This 
was accomplished in 1880-81. 

The Tekkes, dwelling in the Akhal oasis, were separated 
from the Caspian by 150 miles of desert, and from the north- 
ern oasis by a broad desert belt. It was to this land of Akhal, 
according to a Musselman tradition, that Adam made his way 
when he was driven out of Eden. Certainly, too much cannot 
be said of the beauty and fertility of this three-hundred-mile 
strip of well-watered garden ground, as contrasted with the 
endless waste that closes in the horizon to the north-eastward. 
Corn and maize, cotton and wool, formed part of the wealth 
of its people. They had the finest horses of all Turkestan, 
and great herds and flocks of cattle, sheep and camels. The 
streams turned numerous mills, and were led by a network of 
tunnels and conduits through the fields and garden. The 
people were united in a loose confederacy, acknowledging the 
lordship of the Khan of Merv, who had come from one of 
their own villages. They raided the Russian and Persian bor- 
ders successfully, these plundering expeditions filling up the 
part of the year when they were not busy with more peaceful 
occupations. Along their fertile strip of land ran the caravan 
track from Merv by Askabad to Kizil Arvat and the Caspian, 
I and when they were not at war the Tekkes had thus an outlet 
* for their surplus productions, among which were beautiful car- 
pets, the handiwork of their women. In war they had proved 
themselves formidable to all their neighbors. United with the 
warriors of Merv, the men of Akhal had cut to pieces a 
Khivan army in 1855 and a host of Persians In 1861. 

The first effort to subdue the Akhal warriors proved a 



RUSSIA m CENTRAL ASIA 75 

complete failure. As soon as peace was concluded with Tur- 
key, after the war of 1877-78, General Lomakine was sent with 
a strong- force to the Caspian, whence he made his way by the 
caravan route over the desert to the strong- nomad fortress of 
Geok Tepe (''blue hills"), at the foot of the mountain range 
y mentioned. The attempt to take the fort by storm failed and 
the Russians were forced to retreat in disorder. 

To retrieve this disaster General Skobeleff, the most dar- 
ing of the Russian generals, who had gained great glory in the 
siege of Plevna, was selected, and set out in 1880. On the ist 
of January, 1881, he came in sight of the fort, with an army 
of 10,000 picked troops, and fifty-four cannon. Behind the 
clay ramparts lay awaiting him from 20,000 to 30,000 valiant 
nomads, filled with the pride of their recent victory. 

On this occasion no attempt was made to storm the works, 
but siege operations were begun and pushed so rapidly that by 
the 23d the walls were trenched and mines were driven under 
the ramparts. These were fired on the following day, and 
amid the momentary panic of the garrison, two storming 
parties rushed through the breaches into the fort. 

" No quarter ! " was the shout of the Russian officers as 
the stormers sprang forward. None was given or taken. The 
Tekkes fought desperately, but were finally driven out of the 
fort, and fled in long lines over the plain. After them dashed 
the Cossack cavalry, cutting them down as they ran, women as 
well as men, until more than 8,000 of them lay dead on the 
plain ; 6,500 had perished within the fortress. 

Skobeleff looked on the massacre as a necessary element 
in the conquest of Geok Tepe. " I hold it as a principle," he 
said, "that in Asia the duration of peace is in direct proportion 
to the slaughter you inflict on the enemy. The harder you hit 
them the longer they will keep quiet after it." No women, he 
added, were killed by the troops under his immediate command, 
and he set at liberty 700 Persian women who were captives 



76 RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 

in Geok Tepe. After ten miles the pursuit was stopped. 
There was no further resistance. Not a shot was fired on 
either side after that terrible day. The chiefs came in and 
surrendered. The other towns in the eastern part of the oasis 
were occupied without fighting ; nay, more,, within a month of 
Geok Tepe Skobeleff was able to go without a guard into the 
midst of the very men who had fought against him. We in 
America cannot understand the calm submission with which 
the Asiatic accepts as the decree of fate the rule of the con- 
queror whose hand has been heavy upon him and his. 

The cession of the oasis of Merv soon followed, the fall 
of Akhal making its surrender a necessity. In 1884 four of 
its Khans came in and voluntarily put themselves under Rus- 
sian protection. We may say in conclusion that since then 
the Russian influence has steadily grown in the surrounding 
regions. Persia has fallen so strongly under this influence that 
its future seems to lie at the beck of the Czar ; part of northern 
Afghanistan has been occupied, and in 1891-92 a large section 
of the mountain district of the Pamir was annexed to Russia, 
whose borders on the south thus fell closely on British India. 

The crumbling ramparts of Geok Tepe remain a memo- 
rial of the years of warfare which it cost the Russians, and the 
iron track on which the trains steam past the ruined fortress 
shows how complete has been the victory. Skobeleff looked 
upon his triumph as only the first step to further conquests. 
But within eighteen months of the storming of Geok Tepe he 
died suddenly at Moscow. Others have built on the founda- 
tions which he laid ; and, for good or ill, the advance which 
began with the subjugation of the Tekke Turkomans has now 
brought the Russian outposts in Central Asia in sight of the 
passes that lead across the mountain barriers of the Indian 
frontier. 

This conquest was quickly followed by the laying of a 
railroad across the desert, from the Caspian to the sacred 



RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 77 

Mohammedan city of Samarcand, the former capital of the 
terrible Timur the Tartar, and the iron horse now penetrates 
freely into the heart of that once unknown land, its shrill 
whistle perhaps disturbing Timur in his tomb. When, and 
where, the advance of Russia in Asia will end no man can say, 
perhaps not until Hindostan is torn from British hands and 
the empire of the north has reached the southern sea. While 
Russia in Europe comprises about 2,000,000 square miles, 
Russia In Asia has attained an area of 6,564,778 square miles, 
and the total area of this colossal empire is nearly equal to 
that of the entire continent of North America. 

What we have detailed is but the surface indications of 
Russian operations in Asia. Nothing is here seen of the 
strong web of diplomacy which the astute Muscovite has for 
years been Industriously weaving, nor of the change in the 
habits and modes of thought of the Asiatics which the 
leaven of civilization in their midst is slowly effecting. This 
alone can render permanent the work of the sword ; Russia, 
with her schools, of which the Kirghizes are rapidly taking 
advantage, with the aid of a newspaper printed In the lan- 
guage of the nomads, with the influence of settled communi- 
ties in their midst, of stable government, suppression of rob- 
bery, encouragement of agriculture, and introduction of 
numerous luxuries into the steppes, and with the various other 
results of their presence, is rapidly producing this change in 
their Ideas and habits. The Russian movements are never 
barren military occupations. The conquests of the Cossacks 
are rapidly succeeded by the advance of the farmer with his 
family and stock. Every fort soon becomes the centre of a 
thriving colony, and all the advantages of a settled residence 
and civilized modes of life are displayed to the eyes of the 
wondering barbarians. This course has already had a power- 
ful effect, and may have the most vital results In time. Russia 
is shrewdly rendering herself the central figure in Asiatic 



78 RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA 

politics. Her power and the value of her friendship are strongly 
impressed on the tribes, and she is rapidly weakening the influ- 
ence of England in Asia. 

The Russian diplomat has all the softness and suavity of 
his Asiatic congeners ; he can glide through their closest net of 
diplomacy without displaying an angle in his body ; he conforms 
to their customs, and allows them to delay and prevaricate to 
their hearts' content. But his point once gained he is unyield- 
ing. He is an adept in the art of bribery; has emissaries 
everywhere ; in fact, thoroughly understands how to deal with 
Asia, and is too strongly imbued with this Asiatic spirit for 
European patience. " You must beat about the bush with a 
Russian. You must flatter him and humbug him. You must 
talk about everything but the thing. If you want to buy a 
horse you must pretend you want to sell a cow, and so work 
gradually around to the point in view." 

Thus the shrewd Russian has gained point after point from 
his Oriental neighbors, and has permanently annexed a territory 
one half larger than all Europe, yet has ever succeeded in 
making faithful subjects of the inhabitants of this conquered 
district. The ground is prepared in front before he moves a foot 
forward, and all that he leaves in his rear falls into the strong 
embrace of the Russian empire. Gold and diplomacy are his 
weapons equally with the sword, and thus Europe is marching 
into Asia with a solid front, full of significance for the future. 



CHAPTER VII. 

The Russian Conquest of Siberia 

yermak the Cossack and the Discovery of Siberia — Russia on the Chinese Frontier — • 
The Exploration — Russia Seizes Saghalien, a Japanese Island — The Vast Wealth 
of Siberia — The Russians invade the Mongolian Steppes — Their Cunning Dealings 
with the Khirgis — How the Russians Cheated the Desert Chiefs — Towns in the 
Desert — Pushing to the South — Schools Among the Nomads. 

IT is now nearly three hundred years since the foot of Rus- 
sia was first planted on Asiatic soil, during all which time 
she has persistently carried forward her plans of conquest 
and occupation, though it was only within the last half of the 
nineteenth century that this quiet process developed into active 
and successful aggression. Before the commencement of this 
movement, however, we have the parallel one of the occupa- 
tion of Russia b)^ the Asiatics, the Tartars of the Golden 
Horde establishing themselves as firmly there as the Arabs 
did in Spain, and being driven out only by as determined and 
long-continued efforts. Czar Ivan, at the beginning of the 
sixteenth century, attempted to institute a grand Tartar king- 
dom, and took the first step towards its accomplishment in the 
conquest of the established Tartar governments of Kazan 
and Astrakan, near the western borders of the Caspian. Yet, 
although this laid Asia open to Russian invasion, an unaccount- 
able ignorance of the vast region which lay beyond the Ural 
mountains prevailed, contests with the Mongols and internal 
dissensions fully occupying the attention of the government. 
In the year 1580, a Cossack named Yermak, chief of a band 
of robbers, being outlawed for some of his predatory adven- 
tures in Europe, found his way with some two hundred adven- 
turers across the Ural. After pillaging the Tartars for some 

79 



8o THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA 

time, his handful of robbers became so wasted with constant 
fighting that they could no longer maintain themselves. It 
then occurred to Yermak to return to Moscow, announce his 
discoveries, and make peace with the Czar. The robber was 
promoted to the rank of a hero, and was appointed to com- 
mand an expedition for the conquest of Siberia. 

The Cossacks, conquered by Russia about the middle of 
the fifteenth century, have served ever since as the Russian 
military pioneers, and formed the material of this first move- 
ment into Asia. The progress of conquest and occupation was 
remarkably rapid. In 1639 the pioneers of the movement 
stood on the shores of the sea of Okhotsk, having in about 
fifty years traversed and taken possession of the whole vast 
width of Siberia, ana established many thriving settlements, 
which yet remain important centres of Siberian population. 
In these early movements, while some of the adventurers 
penetrated the country beyond Lake Baikal to the northeast, 
emerging on the shores of the sea of Okhotsk, others moved 
eastwardly. Each party found its enterprise repaid by the 
abundance of fur-bearing animals. The latter line of advance 
culminated in 1643 in the discovery of the Amur river by a 
party of Cossack hunters, who embarked upon this magnificent 
stream and descended it to the Pacific ocean. Their report 
of their success, and of the wealth of the country they had 
traversed, induced the government to attempt settlements 
in this region. In 1650 an ofihcer named KhabarofT was 
despatched with a body of Cossacks to select and fortify a 
position. He chose a site at Albazin, 103 miles from the 
junction of the Argun and the Schilka, the two main tributa- 
ries of the Amur. Numerous hunters followed the Cossack 
advance and settled at Albazin, forming a considerable town. 
They immediately began to oppress the natives, driving them 
from their hunting grounds, and otherwise maltreating them. 

The settlement, becoming reinforced by numbers of those 



THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA 8i 

desperate characters who always seek the Hcense of frontier 
stations, became daring in its aggressions. The Amur was 
crossed and the Chinese villages to the south were plundered, 
regardless of the remonstrances of the Chinese authorities. 
As animals became scarce the inhabitants took to plundering 
the tribes for many miles round their settlement. Khabaroff 
displayed the boldest daring in his depredations upon the 
Chinese, and organized boat raids down the Sungari into 
the heart of Manchuria, levying blackmail from the populous 
districts borderingf on this river. 

In 1652 he was attacked by a large Chinese army in a 
fort he had built to support these aggressions, and though 
making a desperate resistance, was finally forced to retreat. 
In 1658 the Russians received another check, Stepanoff, 
another marauder, who made savage excursions down the 
Sungari, being surrounded by a fleet of Chinese war boats 
and his whole party killed or captured. 

In 1657 a Chinese army attacked Albazin, and the posses- 
sion of this point was contested for thirty years, the Russians 
finally retiring in 1688. The next year a treaty was made by 
which Russia yielded all her Manchu settlements, and made 
the junction of the Argun and Schilka her Siberian boundary. 

From this period until the year 1854, Russia remained 
stationary in this region, and nothing was known of the coun- 
try beyond the boundary line, save what was learned from ad- 
venturous hunters, and from the return of escaped convicts. 
In the year 1848 an officer with four Cossacks was sent down 
the river to make observations. They never returned, and 
their fate remains a mystery to this day, though every possible 
effort was made to learn if they had been taken an held prisoners 
by the Chinese. 

General Muravief, the Governor General of Eastern 
Siberia, finally determined to make a forcible exploration of 
the river. His ostensible object was the provisioning of the 



82 THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA 

Russian settlements on the Pacific, which were threatened by 
the English and French war vessels during the Crimean war. 
He accordingly prepared a strong expedition, which, without 
asking the privilege from the Chinese, sailed in 1854 down the 
Amur. The rapid success of this Invasion is in strange con- 
trast with the futile efforts of two centuries before. It was 
made, however, in such force that the Chinese authorities were 
quite unable to check its course, and in less than six weeks the 
whole of the vast region north of the Amur was quietly an- 
nexed, by taking possession of the north bank of the river. 
In 1857 it was secured so strongly by military stations that the 
whole Chinese army would have proved powerless to dislodge 
its new owners. 

The close of the Crimean war gave Russia full liberty to 
prosecute her designs in these quarters, and shrewd advantage 
was taken of the French and English war with China to secure 
from the latter a treaty, ceding all this region to Russia, together 
with the whole coast region of Manchuria, a district invaluable 
to the Russians. 

Possession was also obtained of the northern half of the 
Island of Saghalien and in June, 1861, an important island in 
the Straits of Corea was seized. At a later date Russia 
forcibly occupied the remainder of Saghalien, driving out 
the Japanese garrisons and coolly annexing the island. These 
acquisitions gave the Muscovite government a very important 
Pacific coast line, extending from 35° N. L. to the Arctic 
Ocean, and securing to Russia a powerful influence in the 
future of the Pacific and of the Asiatic coast regions. 

It must not be Imagined that the Siberian acquisitions are 
in any respect barren and unimportant A country of the vast 
dimensions of Siberia would be valuable in many particu- 
lars, even If it were as barren as the desert steppes to the 
south. Its product is, in fact, of the most diversified and 
important character. A prodigious number of fur-bearing 



THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA 83 

animals gives value to the icy regions of the north, and to the 
southern mountain regions. Much of the soil of Siberia is 
highly fertile, and the agricultural possibilities of the country 
incalculable. The fertile steppes in the governments of Tomsk 
and Tobolsk form the great granaries of Russia and northern 
Europe. The great rivers and numerous lakes of the country 
abound wltti valuable fish. Large forests of useful timber are 
found in all portions of the country. The great rivers of 
Siberia are of little value as water-ways, from having their 
outlets In the frozen ocean. The Amur, however, fortunately 
flows east, and thus forms a navigable stream of more than 
2,200 miles In length, from central Siberia to the Pacific. This 
great stream, with its hundreds of tributaries, its endurable cli- 
mate, the agricultural value of its soil. Its extensive woodlands, 
the abundant animal life on its banks, and the Innumerable 
fish in its waters, forms the most valuable section of the coun- 
try, and Is probably destined to a rapid growth in population. 
The mineral wealth of Siberia is immense, and of the most 
varied character. Important iron mines are worked In the 
Ural region, as also mines of platinum. This region yields 
many precious stones, among them the diamond. Gold, silver, 
copper, and lead are also abundantly found. Splendid 
emeralds, amethysts, and topaz are found In various portions 
of the country. Malachite Is abundant and beautiful, as also 
porphyry and jasper, all of which are worked Into magnificent 
vases, tables, and other ornamental forms. Such is an Imper- 
fect glance at the useful resources of this vast region, whose 
population Is rapidly increasing and its natural wealth being 
vigorously developed under the stimulus of Russian enterprise. 
But the Russian advance has been not only westward, but 
southward. The immense Mongolian region traversed by the 
Kirghiz nomads, desert as it is in great part, yet gives sub- 
sistence to great numbers of men, and to vast herds of cattle, 
sheep, and horses, the property of these wandering tribes. It 



84 THE RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF SIBERIA 

thus had its value in the Muscovite plan of extension, and 
Russia was engaged for years in quietly taking possession of 
it, till her control over the natives became supreme. 

The movement was made by the gradual extension of 
military posts to the south of Siberia, and by cajoling the 
natives of the steppes until her hold was sufficiently strong to 
defy them. 

When work in the silver and lead mines of eastern Siberia 
was stopped during the formation of the Amur expedition, a 
party was sent into the mountain regions of the steppes to 
prospect for these minerals. The result was the finding of rich 
silver and lead deposits in a district far beyond the Russian 
border. All the diplomatic cunning of the Muscovites was 
needed in negotiations with the Kirghiz for this territory. The 
ore appeared to the nomads but ordinary rock. They had no 
particular objection, therefore, to part with the hill region, but 
strongly objected to part with a small river which ran past the 
foot of the hills, and was of more real value to them than 
mountains of silver. " This stream was necessary to Russian 
mining operations, and by cunningly investing the Sultan with 
a gold-laced coat and a medal, and his chiefs in rich array, a 
great change was brought about in his views. When a Cos- 
sack buckled a sabre on his waist, this settled the point. He 
would have given half the rivers in the steppe sooner than be 
stripped of his weapons and finery. Thus for a sum of about 
;^i5o his imperial majesty acquired mines and a freehold prop- 
erty in the Kirghiz steppes which will, I have no doubt, expand 
rapidly towards all points of the compass. These mines are of 
immense value." (Atkinson.) 

The next advance southward was in the building of a fort 
on the Kopal, a point considerably to the south of the former 
station, and near the Chinese frontier. A station 200 miles 
further to the southwest was the town of Vernoje, founded by 
a colony from Kopal. Numerous other forts arose on the 



THE RUSSIAN- CONQUEST OF SIBERIA Ss 

desert frontier of Russia, and the ruins of old forts which had 
served a similar purpose of bringing the Asiatic tribes under 
Russian sway are frequent in Siberia, having been abandoned 
as the country became subdued. Atkinson says, " Russia is 
thus surrounding the Kirghiz hordes with civilization which 
will ultimately bring about a moral revolution in this country. 
Agriculture and other branches of industry will be introduced 
by the Russian peasant, than whom no man can better adapt 
himself to circumstance." 



CHAPTER VIII. 



Russia's Occupation of Manchuria and 
Port Arthur 



From Harbin to Port Arthur — Japan's Treaty With Russia — The Powers Rob 
Japan of the Spoils of War — Leases by China to Germany, Russia and Great 
Britain — The Region of the Amur — The Right of River Navigation — The 
Manchurian Railway — The Treaty of 1898 — The Character and Resources 
of Manchuria — Decline of the Manchu People — The Port Arthur Naval 
Station- — The Harbor of Talien-wan — Dalny, a Town Built to Order — Russia 
as a Builder of Cities. 

MENTION is made in the preceding chapter of the branch 
line of railroad laid by Russia from Harbin, in northern 
Manchuria, to Port Arthur, a location at the south- 
ern extremity of the Liao-tung peninsula. The acts of 
diplomacy and force by which Russia obtained this privilege 
and the advantage which was taken of the concession are of 
the greatest importance in our record, since they were the 
pioneer steps in the series of events which led eventually 
to the war with Japan. For the primary stage in these 
important occurrences we must go back to the close of the 
Chino-Japanese war and the settlement made between the 
victors and the vanquished in that conflict. 

The closing events in that war were the capture of the 
Chinese port and stronghold of Wei-hai-wei, on the northern 
coast of the province of Shantung, opposite Port Arthur, and 
the occupation of the twin city of New-chwang, which gave 
Japan a post of vantage between Mukden in Manchuria and 
Peking. When the spring of 1895 was about to open, the 

86 



RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA «7 

Japanese possessed an army of 100,000 men, ready to move 
upon Peking, and there is no doubt that they could have taken 
the city speedily and easily. Two months previously, the 
Chinese had sent to Tokio a pretended peace mission with 
inadequate powers; but now, the Peking government, recog- 
nizing the impossibility of resistance, appointed Li Hung 
Chang plenipotentiary, and dispatched him to Shimonoseki, 
which he reached on March 20, 1895. Luckily for the suc- 
cess of his mission, he was shot in the cheek by a. fanatic 
four days after his arrival, while he was returning from a 
conference with Count Ito, the representative of Japan. 
This outrage aroused great sympathy for Li Hung Chang, 
and, to prove the sincerity of his regret, the Mikado consented 
to an armistice, and sensibly modified the terms of peace 
upon which he had originally insisted. 

On April 17, 1895, the Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed, 
and, on May 8, the ratifications were exchanged at Chef 00. 
The provisions of the treaty may be briefly summed up as 
follows: The Chinese were to cede to Japan the islands of 
Formosa and the Pescadores, and also, on the Asiatic main- 
land, the southern part of the province of Shingking, including 
the Liao-tung or Regent's Sword peninsula, and with it the 
important naval fortress of Port Arthur. By way of pecu- 
niary indemnity, China was to pay 200,000,000 Kuping taels, 
or, say, $170,000,000, in eight installments, with interest at 
the rate of five per cent, on those unpaid. The commercial 
concessions were to include the admission of ships under 
*the Japanese flag to the different rivers and lakes of China 
and the appointment of consuls; and the Japanese were to 
retain Wei-hai-wei until the whole indemnity had been 
paid and an acceptable commercial treaty had been con- 
cluded. These terms were by no means extreme, in view of 
the completeness of the Japanese triumph; but they were 
far from agreeable to Russia, which foresaw that the presence 



88 RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 

of the Japanese on the Regent's Sword peninsula would prove 
an obstacle to any future southward extension through Man- 
churia, and to the attainment of an ice-free port. 

Moreover, had the Japanese been suffered to remain 
on the mainland of Asia, they, instead of the Russians, would 
have become preponderant at Peking. Accordingly, the Czar's 
advisers, having secured the co-operation not only of their 
French ally, but also of Germany, proceeded to make a dip- 
lomatic move, the aim of which was to despoil the Mikado 
of a part of the fruits of victory, mmch as Russia herself had 
been despoiled of the fruits of her victory over Turkey in 1877 
by the Treaty of Berlin. Scarcely was the ink dry on the 
Treaty of Shimonoseki, when Japan received from the three 
European powers just named a polite request, which veiled, 
of course, a threat, that she should waive that part of the 
Shimonoseki Treaty which provided for the cession of Port 
Arthur and the Liao-tung peninsula. Japan would doubtless 
have repelled the demand, had she been assured of Great 
Britain's support. But no assurance to that effect was 
forthcoming from Lord Rosebery, then British Prime Min- 
ister, and, accordingly, the Mikado reluctantly consented to 
resign his claim to the Liao-tung peninsula for the additional 
indemnity of $30,000,000. The final installment of the 
indemnity was paid in May, 1898, whereupon Wei-hai-wei 
was evacuated by the Japanese, in accordance with the terms 
of the treaty. 

The secret purpose of the powers concerned, or what 
we may well conceive to have been their purpose, had already 
been made sufficiently evident, it appearing clearly that they 
had deprived Japan of the spoils of victory for their own 
aggrandizement. At all events we find, soon after the 
evacuation of Wei-hai-wei by Japan, Great Britain coming 
into possession of that stronghold under an unwillingly 
granted lease from China. Near the close of 1897 Germany 




THE MIKADO AND HIS CABINET 




THE CZAR AND HIS COUNSELORS 



RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 89 

had got a foothold on the coast of China by a lease for ninety- 
nine years of the harbor of Kiao-Chau, as a result of certain 
missionary troubles, her object probably being to occupy a 
post of vantage in case of the threatened partition of China. 
Russia showed her hand in a way far more calculated to 
arouse the indignation of Japan, by forcing from China a 
treaty, signed at Peking on March 27, 1898, which gave her 
practical control, through a lease for twenty-five years, of 
Port Arthur and Talien-wan, places which Japan had con- 
quered by force of arms and had been forced to yield, after 
their cession by China, through the threatening attitude of 
the three European powers named. It was a bitter pill for 
the warlike islanders to swallow, and their seeming acqui- 
escence covered a bitter hatred of Russia, a smoldering fire 
of revengeful feeling which was yet to be blown into a flame. 

The events here described lead us backward to the 
period of the occupation of the Amur region by Russia, 
already described. The region proved to be very thinly 
settled, Chinese settlers having scarcely penetrated at all 
to the territory north of the great river, while there were 
very few of them on its southern border. The treaty of 
1858 between China and Russia gave the latter country 
possession of all the territory north of the Amur and east 
of the Ussuri, China retaining the region south of the Amur 
to the western bank of the Ussuri. It was provided that the 
rivers of the frontier region should be open to navigation to 
vessels of the two empires, but to no others. 

For the succeeding forty years Russia faithfully observed 
the stipulations of this treaty, but during these years settlers 
were pouring into the new territory, until it held a popula- 
tion of 350,000 Russians. The most important river which 
Russia had obtained the right to navigate under the treaty 
was the Sungari; but, on account of native opposition, no 
exercise was made of this right until it was more definitely 



go RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 

asserted in the treaty of 1896, in which also was granted to 
the Russo-Chinese bank — a diplomatic ruse by the astute 
Russians — the right to build a railroad through Manchu- 
rian territory, and to occupy Port Arthur as a naval station. 

This treaty gave the Russian Government the privilege 
of purchasing the right of way across Manchuria, from the 
Siberian border at Budalofski to the border of the province 
of Ussuri, near Vladivostok, and from Harbin on the Sun- 
gari River to Port Arthur on the Chinese Sea. It was stipu- 
lated that the president of the road should be a Chinaman, 
the flag under which it was to be run was a combination of 
the Russian and the Chinese, and the military protection of 
the road was to be by joint forces of the Russian and the 
Chinese army. Also, at the expiration of a certain period, 
the Chinese were to have the option of purchasing the road. 

Upon the signing of this treaty, the Russians at once 
abandoned for the time being the construction of the railroad 
along the original and circuitous route north of the Amur 
River, and sought to complete as soon as possible the Man- 
churian division, for which the way was now open. The 
surveys of the road, which is more than eighteen hundred 
miles in length, were completed with great expedition, and 
work was begun at Harbin and at the termini. The prosecu- 
tion of the work from Harbin necessitated the immediate 
navigation of the Sungari River. A fleet of twenty-four 
river steamers, made in sections in England, was launched 
upon the waters and a very large amount of railroad supplies 
and material was rapidly concentrated at Harbin and the 
other centers of construction. 

The treaty between China and Russia of March 27, 
1898, was supplemented by an additional agreement signed 
May 7, which greatly added to the power which Russia was 
obtaining in Manchuria. Under this agreement it was 
arranged that a branch of the Siberian railway should run 



RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA g\ 

from Harbin to Port Arthur and Talien-wan — an enterprise 
which had already been foreseen in the treaty of 1896. It 
was hkewise stipulated that no railway privileges should be 
granted to the subjects of any other power in the region 
traversed by this road, that no foreign concessions should 
be granted in a zone north of the new Russian leaseholds, and 
that no fresh ports should be opened to foreign trade in this 
territory. 

By a later concession the right to build a branch rail- 
way from Mukden to New-chwang was granted, this making 
connection with the road northward from Peking, and giving 
all-rail connection from the capitals of Europe to the capital 
of the great realm of the Orient. Such were the steps by 
which Russia paved the way for an eventual complete control 
of Manchuria. 

In view of the great interest which these events have 
given to the Manchurian problem, some description of this 
important province, the motherland of the imperial dynasty 
and ruling race of China, is here desirable. 

Manchuria embraces an extensive region of northeastern 
Asia, extending between the Gulf of Pe-chi-li and the Yellow 
Sea on the south, to the Amur River and Siberia on the north, 
and bounded on the west by Chinese Mongolia, and on the 
east by Korea and the Ussuri boundary of the Pacific province 
of Siberia. At the mouth of the Ussuri stands the important 
Russian naval station of Vladivostok. 

The territory thus indicated bears a singular resemblance 
to that part of the North American peninsula lying between 
New York and Hudson Bay, including all eastern Canada, 
and running up to the mouth of the St. Lawrence. It is 
about 400,000 square miles in area, being one-third larger 
than Texas, but its shape is so irregular that fully 2,500 miles 
of its boundary adjoin Russian territory. The geographical 
character of the country is such that the population is dis- 



92 RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 

tributed in a very irregular manner. The northern province 
of Tsi-tsi-kar, having 190,000 square miles, is largely moun- 
tainous, and is in consequence thinly populated. It contains 
unknown but probably vast mineral resources and extensive 
forests; while a fertile territory, now almost entirely unoc- 
cupied, extends for 1,000 miles along the south bank of the 
Amur and its principal tributary, the Aigun. There are 
said to be very valuable but undeveloped agricultural 
resources in the valley of the middle Nonni River and about 
the head waters of the eastern branches of the Aigun; while 
the valley of the Sungari River contains thinly inhabited 
prairies as extensive as those of the upper Mississippi and 
apparently as favorable to cultivation. 

The province of Gerin is likewise largely a mountainous 
district, especially throughout the full extent of its south- 
eastern border, but contains also a portion of the fertile plains 
along the Sungari River. Its resources are similar to those 
of Tsi-tsi-kar, and its minerals, though largely undeveloped, 
are probably of great value. 

The most populous province is that of Liao-tung, which 
is penetrated by the branch line running from Harbin to 
Port Arthur. For a distance of 400 miles, extending from 
the Sungari River to New-chwang, the railroad passes through 
a level, well-watered region, densely crowded with population, 
and, as far as the eye can see, under the highest state of cul- 
tivation. In traversing it one rarely sees an acre that is 
not planted and carefully freed from weeds. 

The total population of Manchuria is variously estimated 
at from 10,000,000 to 25,000,000; but there seems little 
doubt that Liao-tung alone has a population of as much as 
12,000,000, and that the total cannot be much less than 
20,000,000. These, however, are largely Chinese. The Man- 
chus are a declining race, their success in arms having, as is 
often the case, led to their decay; for ever since the estab- 



RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 93 

lishment of the Manchu dynasty in China, in 1644, they ha\v. 
been drawn in large numbers to Peking and to the garrisons 
stationed in all the principal Chinese towns. Here, living 
a comparatively idle life, and depending largely upon pen 
sions from the general government for their support, they 
have become enervated; while the quality of those left 
behind in Manchuria has depreciated in character. The 
Chinese, on the other hand, have gradually invaded Man- 
churia, till now they carry on nearly all of its business, and 
swarm in all the centres of population. They are gradually 
bringing under cultivation the vast areas of fertile land 
which under the Manchus had been devoted to pasture or 
left to run to waste. 

Even a hasty glance at this situation reveals the points 
about which Russian interests centre in Manchuria. The first 
necessity is to keep an open line of traffic from Central Siberia 
to the Pacific Ocean. The military advantage of this would 
amply compensate Russia for all the expense of building the 
road, even though it were not directly a financial success. 
This, however, it is likely to be. The export of coarse prod- 
ucts from this centre of Manchuria is, even under present 
conditions, immense. Of this the railroad will have almost 
a monopoly.* 

Much more important in the view of imperial Russia 
is the possession, in Port Arthur and Talien-wan, of practically 
ice-free ports on the waters of the Pacific, forming naval 
stations far more advantageous than that of Vladivostok, 
whose harbor is closed by ice for half the year. A brief 
description of these new Russian ports may properly here 
be given. 

Port Arthur — or Lu-Shun-kow in Chinese geography — 
lies at the southern extremity of the peninsula of Liao-tung, 

* See " The Russian Problem in Manchuria," by G. Frederick Wright, in 
"American Review of Reviews," for July, igoi. 



94 RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 

between the Yellow Sea and the Gulf of Pe-chi-li. First 
fortified as a naval station by China in 1881, most of its 
defensive works were destroyed by the Japanese in the war 
of 1894. But Russia has again converted it into a modern- 
ized fortress of great strength, while the town itself has lost 
most of its Oriental characteristics. 

The port or harbor is a natural one, though its limited 
basin has been somewhat widened by dredging. Landlocked 
on all sides but the south, its entrance is very narrow, being 
only 350 yards wide. It is, however, deep enough for the 
largest ships. The interior basin is about four miles long by 
one and a quarter miles wide, but only a minor portion of 
this space is available for ships. The harbor is hemmed in 
on all sides by barren and rocky hills from 300 to 1,500 feet 
high. The climate of the location is mild and the harbor 
free from ice throughout the year. The dredging operations 
will eventually give an anchorage space of considerably over 
one square mile, with four fathoms of average depth. 

The roadstead of Port Arthur is exposed to the south- 
east winds, a defect which does not exist in the wider harbor 
of Talien-wan, which lies on the eastern side of the peninsula, 
about twenty miles northeast of Port Arthur. Here is a 
roomy and ice-free harbor, easy of entrance, which Russia 
has opened to the world as a free commercial port, except 
a corner of the harbor which has been reserved and fortified 
as a naval station. 

The most interesting feature of this place — the southern 
extremity of the southern Manchurian railway — is the new 
town of Dalny, founded by Russia at the southern end of the 
harbor. This town has been built on a generous scale in 
anticipation of a trade expected to follow and for a popula- 
tion still to come. Buildings, official and residential, have 
been here constructed with little regard to cost, and the basin 
deepened for the largest commercial vessels, in anticipation 



RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 95 

alike of commerce ^nd population. The P-Ussians have a 
passion for building with completeness, and though they 
must have realized the danger of delay in making their prin- 
cipal naval base impregnable, they diverted precious resources 
to the building of Dalny, confessed by all who have seen it 
to be the most astonishing achievement in city creation 
known even in this age, when our Western "hustlers" have 
astounded the world by swift city -building. 

M. de Witte, Prime Minister of Russia, seems to have 
aspired to the fame of the ancient Greek captain general, 
Demetrius, who was prouder of his cognomen, "Poliorcetes," 
city builder, than conqueror of the east. Three years were 
almost exclusively devoted to rearing at Dalny a metropolis 
as perfect in detail as the best-built metropolis in Europe. 
When this work began Dalny was simply a haggard collec- 
tion of war-worn Chinese hovels. In 1903, by census, the 
new city contained fifty thousand people, and building was 
still going for the occupation of colonies which had sent in 
application for quarters. Of these fifty thousand people, 
thirty-eight thousand are Chinese, thus making the hold of 
the Russians rather problematical in the event of the Japanese 
armies securing sufficient foothold to lay siege to Port Arthur. 

De Witte copied the city of Washington in laying out 
the first thirty-one thousand acres marked off for the city; 
Dalny, as completed, being a beautiful city, with well-graded 
and paved avenues radiating in every direction from the 
municipal buildings in the centre, with a national church at 
the extremity of each avenue. These acres are divided into 
three parts, the administrative city occupied by the Russians 
and general Europeans, then the Chinese quarter, then the 
commercial. Immense plateaus of green separate the sub- 
divisions, which, while adding to the beauty, would in case 
of riot or revolt enable the military to mass their forces at 
decisive points. Though the lease is for twenty-five years. 



96 RUSSIA'S OCCUPATION OF MANCHURIA 

the substantial material used in the edifices and the magnifi- 
cence of the structures intended for public use show that 
they are intended to last for centuries. Stone, iron and 
brick alone have been used in the buildings, and though there 
are no such tall edifices as we see in this country, some of the 
constructions intended for government use are models of 
"up-to-date" convenience and completeness. 

Merchants of every nation seemed to recognize exactly 
what this experiment in city creation meant, for the Viceroy 
received requests from all over Europe and Asia for conces- 
sions — that is, space to erect stores and warehouses. The 
Russian administration conducted the "boom" with great 
fairness. The applicants received allotments according to 
the date of their demands, and when special spots were 
coveted too ardently the auctioneer was summoned to settle 
the matter. The ruling idea was to make the city a vast 
commercial entrepot, capable of accommodating the merchant 
navies of the world. To this end the most approved dock 
system known to modem commerce was laid out and within 
two years the sea trade of the town rivaled the oldest port 
in the Eastern seas. 



CHAPTER IX. 

The Great Russian Railways in Asia 

The Great Awakener — Russian Enterprise — The Transcaspian Railway — The 
Fight With the Desert — The Desert Railway and Its Value — The Railway 
as a Civilizer — The Transsiberian Railway Project — The Route of the Road 
— Water and Rail Transportation — All Rail Through Manchuria and to Port 
Arthur — The Difficulties of the Route — Strong and Costly Bridges — How 
Lake Baikal is Crossed — The Mountains of Manchuria — Character and Cost 
of the Road — Railroads in China and Japan — The Civilizing Value of the 
Asiatic Railways. 

THE drowsy Orient has of late years been invaded by 
what we may term the Great Awakener, and is begin- 
ning to gaze through sleepy eyes upon one of the great- 
est marvels of the stirring West. The advent of the railroad 
in Asia, that realm of slow-moving ease and conservatism, 
is one of the most significant events of the recent centuries. 
Outside of the limits of British India it is one of the newest 
of facts, little more than a quarter of a century old. The 
railroad in this continent is still in its infancy, it is true ; but 
it has come to stay, and the iron horse promises to be one 
of the most potent genii of the land of the Arabian Nights. 

The greatest of the railroad builders in Asia has been 
the Russian Empire, which presents us two memorable 
achievements in this field, the Transcaucasian Railway, which 
penetrates and opens up to commerce the fertile and popu- 
lous oases of Turkestan, and the great Transsiberian Rail- 
way, which affords rail communication from St. Petersburg 
to the far-off Pacific shores. It is our purpose here to describe 
these ambitious results of Russian engineering enterprise. 

The first great achievement of Russian railroad-building 

7 ^97 



98 THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 

in Asia was that of the extensive Transcaspian road, which 
penetrates from the borders of Europe into the very heart of 
Turkestan, extending from the Caspian Sea to the long- 
sealed and mysterious city of Samarcand, the ancient capital 
of Timur the Tartar — the Tamerlane of history — in whose 
long-silent streets already is felt a restless stir, the first faint 
echo of the coming roar of civilization. More recently the 
railway has been carried far beyond this original stopping 
point, as we shall show farther on. 

This railway enterprise began in 1880, a narrow-gauge 
road being extended from the Caspian over the steppes, 
which after the conquest of Merv was continued to the oasis 
of Akhal Tekke. The ancient method of progression, how- 
ever, was not yet ended, the road being at first operated by 
camels instead of locomotives. This method of travel did 
not long suffice for the growing demands of Russian trade, 
and in 1885 the emperor ordered that the narrow-gauge 
should be replaced by a broad-gauge road, which should be 
extended to Samarcand, and completed within three years. 

This was no unambitious project. The road ordered 
was to be nearly one thousand miles long, and to be built 
over a waterless desert, in which the engineering difficulties 
of ordinary railroad -building were replaced by the necessity 
of conquering that restless enemy of the engineer, the shifting 
sand, and of supplying water for thirsty laborers and loco- 
motives. The task, however, was accomplished within the 
period named, the completed road being opened to traffic on 
May 27th, 1888. The main purposes of this road were mili- 
tary. Connecting, via the Caspian, with the railroad system 
of Russia in Europe, it furnished a ready means of throwing 
an army into the heart of Asia, for repressive or aggressive 
operations, as might be needed. It was constructed under 
the directions of General Annenkoff, who added to his mili- 
tary experience effective engineering ability, and overcame 



THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 99 

the natural difficulties of the way with much of that auto- 
cratic decision with which Napoleon overcame the Alps. 

The Transcaspian Railroad has its western terminus at 
Krasnovodsk, on the eastern shore of the Caspian, opposite 
the important petroleum district of Baku, in European 
Russia. It extends by way of Kizil Arvat, Merv, Charjui, 
on the Amu Daria or Oxus River, Bokhara, and Samarcand, 
to Tashkend, and via Khokan, to Andijan and Margelan, 
crossing eight hundred and ninety miles of desert, in addition 
to its extension across the oases. The route lies over two 
immense steppes, waterless and scorching hot in summer, 
the lack of water and superabundance of sand being the 
main engineering difficulties, the wind having an awkward 
inclination to bury the rails beneath a blanket of moving 
desert soil. To supply the workmen with drinking water, 
condensers were employed, and the salt water of the Caspian 
thus made fresh. This was conveyed in tuns over the com- 
pleted portions of the road to the working parties, which 
com.prised in all about twenty-five thousand men. To make 
a stable foundation for the road, salt water was poured on 
the sand and this mixed with clay. The difficulty of the 
drifting sand was partly got over by planting along the line 
of the road the steppe-scrub, a sand-loving plant which seems 
to flourish without need of water. The first steppe proved 
the worst, and the labor became pleasant when the oasis of 
Akhal Tekke was reached. The Oxus River was crossed by 
a great wooden bridge, supported on an island in the middle, 
and claimed to be the longest in the world, though by no 
means solidly or strongly built. 

In the operation of this road petroleum is used as fuel, 
the oil wells at Baku furnishing an inexhaustible supply. 
The carriages are of mixed classes, some of them being two 
stories in height, each story of a different class. One singular 
fact connected with the road is that some of the stations 



loo THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 

were placed miles from the line; the station at Bokhara, for 
instance, being ten miles distant, while the Samarcand 
terminus was five miles from that city. The Russians had 
somiC military purpose in this. Possibly, also, they did not 
deem it expedient to shatter too suddenly the prejudices of 
their new subjects. The Central Asiatics are not in love 
with the railroad. They regard it as a device of Shaitan, 
the evil spirit. Yet they are growing accustomed to the 
"fire cart," as they call it, and beginning to find it a very 
convenient son of sin. Possibly it may seem to them a just 
retribution on the evil one to make this fiery Satan haul their 
grain to market. 

The Transcaspian road, indeed, promises to be of inesti- 
mable value in the industrial development of Central Asia. 
Already in 1889 its equipment included one hundred and 
ten locomotives and one thousand two hundred carriages, 
and these proved greatly insufficient for the traffic offered. 
General Annenkoff stated in 1889 that the net profits of the 
road to that time were $20,000,000, and that 72,000,000 
pounds of cotton had been transported. Since then the 
increase has been steady, and the road promises to give a 
great impetus to cotton-growing in the oases of Central Asia. 

The extension of the road from Samarcand to Tashkend 
does not run in a direct line, but traverses the cultivated 
districts of Khojend, in order to approach the projected 
railroad system of Ferghana and the oil basin of Turkestan. 
From the city of Merv, near the northwestern border of Persia, 
a branch line has been built southward to Kushk, a station 
less than a hundred miles from Herat, the capital of Afghan- 
istan. At this point are stored fifty miles of rails and all 
other requisites to extend the road to Herat, when the right 
of way shall be obtained. 

These performances and projects are of- startling signifi- 
cance. To send the iron horse careering across the empire 



THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA loi 

of barbarism and rushing into the very metropohs of super- 
stition, to disturb the silent centuries of the Orient with the 
scream of the steam whistle, and to gridiron nomadic Turk- 
estan with steel rails, are no everyday achievements, and 
it almost takes one's breath away to think of stations and 
time-tables in connection with the stronghold of Orientalism, 
the long-abiding homestead land of the terrible Tartar. 
This son of the desert is destined to be civilized despite 
himself, and to be taught the arts and ideas of the West by 
the irresistible logic of steam and iron. Truly, nothing of 
greater promise than this railroading of Asia has been per- 
formed of recent years. It signifies the breaking down of 
the millennial isolation of Asia; the stern repression of its 
warlike spirit ; the development of its industries ; the unfold- 
ment of its intellect, and its invasion by books, machinery, 
political economy, socialism, science, and all the multitudi- 
nous arts and isms which now lift the West so loftily above 
the East in all the elements of human progress. 

We have next to speak of the greatest of all Asiatic rail- 
road enterprises, and one which will vie with the most exten- 
sive feats of railroad engineering, the Transsiberian Railroad. 
The original form of this project was the design to lay acros;^ 
the continent of Asia a continuous line of rail, four thousand 
two hundred miles long, with branches bringing the total 
length up to four thousand nine hundred and fifty miles. 
The state of Russian finances, however, checked this ambi- 
tious scheme, and in November, 1890, it was announced 
that a less costly plan had been adopted, and that the road 
as first constructed would be a combination of railway and 
waterway. As remodeled, the length of rail between Tomsk 
eastward to the Pacific port of Vladivostok was to be one 
thousand nine hundred and sixty-seven and a half miles, the 
remaining distance being covered by navigable rivers and 
lakes of Siberia. 



I02 THE GREAT RUSSL\N RAILWAYS IN A:siA 

Tomsk, it is true, lies far eastward from the western 
border of Siberia, but a long reach of navigable waters on 
the Obi and Irtish Rivers brings it within effective reach of 
the Ural Mountains. The European terminus of the road 
was designed to be at Samara, on the Volga, a town particu- 
larly suited to be the starting point of the Siberian railroad 
system, from the fact that a great iron bridge, the longest in 
Europe, crosses the Volga here, and thus establishes all-rail 
connections with the general railroad system of Russia. 
No less important is the fact that a railroad existed from 
Samara to Ufa, three hundred and twenty miles eastward, 
and that this Samara-Ufa road was being extended to Zlatoust 
in the Ural Mountains, on the Siberian border. From 
Zlatoust the distance to Tyumen, on the Irtish, was but a 
few hundred miles, and the closing of this gap would give 
continuous rail-and-water-way from St. Petersburg to Tomsk. 

As projected, the road eastward was to run from Tomsk 
to Irkutsk, a distance of over one thousand one hundred 
miles. From Irkutsk the route was to be by water on Lake 
Baikal to Mysowaia on its eastern shore, whence a railroad 
would run to Stretensk on the Shilka, a branch of the great 
Amur River. From Stretensk there would be an extensive 
steamboat link, down the Shilka to the Amur, down the latter 
stream to the mouth of its southern affluent, the Ussuri, and 
up the Ussuri to Grafskaia. From this point a short line of 
rail would reach the eastern terminus, at the port of Vladi- 
vostok, on the Sea of Japan. The latter section of the road, 
running 258 miles up the Ussuri, was begun on June i, 1891, 
with the laying of a memorial tablet by the Czarewitch 
Nicholas — the present Czar — who had been made president 
of the enterprise. Later revisions of the plan, however, 
threw this section out of the direct line of the road, though 
it has been completed for a distance of over 400 miles. 

The plans and projects for the Transsiberian Railway 



THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 103 

above mentioned were changed materially during the process 
of its construction, much less on account of engineering 
difficulties than through political events. These gave Russia 
an opportunity to build the eastern section of the road by 
the more southern and shorter route through Manchuria, 
and also to extend it southward through this province of 
China from Harbin to Port Arthur, and enabled her to add 
to the terminus at the naval station of Vladivostok, ice- 
bound for several months of the year, one at Port Arthur, 
where a harbor could be had practically open throughout 
the year. It was also decided to do away with the water 
portions of the route, making an all-rail line, with the excep- 
tion of the forty miles across Lake Baikal, whose southern 
shores presented very great obstacles to engineering enter- 
prise, which it might take years to overcome. In fact, it 
was the sure occurrence of difficulties with ice that caused 
the abandonment of the rail-and-water for the all-rail plan. 
Thus in the original plan there were to be hundreds of miles 
of water travel before Tomsk would be reached, and also 
water travel down the Amur for 1,600 miles. But the fact 
that the freezing of the rivers would cut off all travel during 
four or five months of the year was a very satisfactory reason 
for the abandonment of this plan for the all-rail route. 

In 1895 "the Chinese Government, after the Chino-Jap- 
anese War, accorded, as a token of gratitude to Russia for 
her share in the combined intervention with France and 
Germany in her favor, the privilege to build a railway through 
this important province, and, moreover, to occupy the 
country during its construction, the better to protect both 
works and workmen. The privilege was accorded to the 
Russo-Chinese Bank, not to Russia directly, and thus covertly 
given the aspect of a commercial concession instead of a 
national one, which it really was. This concession brought 
about a great modification in the original route of the Trans- 



I04 THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 

Siberian line. The section in the Amur from Stretensk to 
Khabarovsk was abandoned and replaced by a Transman- 
churian Railway which leaves the station at Onon, 104 miles 
west of Stretensk, to rejoin the original line at Nikolsk, about 
67 miles from Vladivostok. Until this time there was a mixed 
route of rail and river which brought Europe and the Pacific 
into direct communication during the summer months. The 
train conveyed travelers from the Ural to Stretensk; thence 
by boat to Khabarovsk, whence the line continued uninter- 
ruptedly to Vladivostok. A notable modification was also 
made in the original plan, Vladivostok being no longer the 
main terminus, which was transferred to Port Arthur, 530 
miles further south. 

The great difficulties of constructing the Transsiberian 
Railway were mainly due to its enormous length. Whereas 
the Americans had only 2,000 miles to cut in creating their 
line between the Mississippi and the Pacific, the Russians 
thirty years later had to lay down more than 4,000 miles of 
rail in order to reach the same ocean from the Ural. Other- 
wise their difficulties were very much less formidable than 
those which at times nearly baffled even the ingenuity of the 
Americans. Happily there are no Rocky Mountains or Sierra 
Nevada in Siberia to traverse at a great height, but only 
comparatively low ranges like the Yablonovoi, or "Apple-Tree 
Mountains, ' ' so called from their rather dumpy shapes. Then, 
again, although Siberia is at present not more densely inhab- 
ited than was the Far West from i860 to 1870, it contains no 
such desolate regions as the plateaus of Utah and Nevada. 
It may, therefore, be safely affirmed that from the engineer- 
ing point of view the task was a comparatively easy one, 
although the line has to pass over an exceedingly varied 
country after leaving the Ural, and through interminable 
plains, to reach the undulating regions between the Obi and 
the Yenisei, where it ascends a chain of hills at an altitude 




NICHOLAS II., THE CZAR OF RUSSIA 




ADMIRAL ALEXIEFF 

In command of Russian Forces at Port Arthur and the Fleet in Chinese waters 
at the outbreak of the War. 



THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 105 

of not less than 2,000 feet on the road from the Yenisei to 
Irkutsk. On the eastern shore of the Baikal the railway grad- 
ually ascends to an altitude of not less than 3,500 feet above 
the level of the water, whence it descends in rapid zigzag 
into the valleys of the Ingoda and the Shilka, cuts the 
abrupt spurs of some very high mountains, and passes into 
marshlands, where, by the way, the engineers have had to 
overcome their greatest obstruction, mainly due to the 
unstable condition of the soil. When, therefore, we take 
into consideration that between the Amur and the Ural there 
is not a single tunnel, we may safely conclude that, if it were 
not for its enormous length, this now famous line has not 
been from the engineering point of view as arduous an under- 
taking even as have been, for instance, some of the much 
shorter lines nearer home. 

The bridges, on the other hand, are very remarkable and 
numerous, and some of them required great skill in their 
construction, since they span the more important rivers of 
Siberia, which, with the exception of those in the basin of 
the Amur, invariably flow due north. There are four prin- 
cipal bridges, of which two cross the Irtish and the Obi respec- 
tively, each 2,750 feet in length; the other two span the Yeni- 
sei and the Selenga, and are about 3,000 feet in length. These 
four bridges were exceedingly costly, necessitating the erection 
of stone piles of prodigious strength, capable of resisting the 
shock of the enormous masses of floating ice. The minor 
bridges, some of them 700 to 900 feet in length, are very 
numerous; but, beyond the difficulty of fixing them firmly a 
great distance on either side of the rivers, owing to the marshy 
nature of the soil on the immediate banks, it needed no 
superlative skill on the part of the engineers who superin- 
tended their erection. 

The crossing of Lake Baikal presented a serious obstacle, 
from the fact that this large body of water is closed by ice 



io6 THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 

during a considerable portion of the year. Great ice-break- 
ing ferryboats are used to cross the forty miles of lake during 
the open season and when the ice is not too thick. At times 
it is impassable, except across the ice surface. The dense 
fogs which often prevail in summer may cause a detention 
of the boats for hours, and at times for days, before they 
can venture to cross. In the winter the ice presents a far 
greater obstacle. The carrying of the line of rail round the 
southern border of Lake Baikal is hindered by precipitous 
mountains which plunge directly into the water, and can 
be passed only by long and costly tunnels. While the con- 
struction of this has been undertaken, it can hardly be com- 
pleted in less than several years. 

The line across Manchuria to Vladivostok presented 
much greater engineering difficulties than that through 
western Siberia, as it had to be carried over a succession of 
mountain ridges and intervening valleys, two of the ridges 
being over 3,000 feet high. In addition to this successive 
climb and descent was the unstable nature of the soil, which 
consisted in the valleys of a vast lake of mud. Fortunately 
a solid bed of gravel existed about three or four feet beneath 
the surface, which offered a satisfactory foundation for the 
line. 

The total length of this great railway from Moscow to 
Vladivostok is 7,979 versts, and to Port Arthur 731 versts 
farther — a total of over 5,200 miles. No other continuous 
line in the world nearly equals it in length. If it could be 
. traversed at the speed of forty or fifty miles an hour, as on 
, the great express lines of Europe and America, the distance 
from St. Petersburg to Port Arthur might be traversed in a 
week; but it has been built in much too primitive a fashion 
for any such rates of travel, even for short distances. It is a 
single-track road, with switches a long distance apart, though 
the length of side rail is considerable. The rails of the Siberian 



THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 107 

section are of the lightest kind, weighing fifty pounds to the 
yard, as against the standard American rail of about eighty- 
five pounds. In addition to this it is, with the exception of 
the Manchurian section, poorly constructed and in places 
very badly engineered, and unfitted to bear greater speeds 
than twenty miles an hour. In fact, the fast train which 
leaves Moscow weekly, takes eighteen days to reach Vladivo- 
stok, and twenty to Port Arthur — if it has good luck. The 
slow train, starting daily, takes at least a month. As regards 
the carriage of freight, the best it has yet been able to do 
was to carry 1,000,000 tons a year. It could hardly be pushed 
to carry more than 1,500,000. The Pennsylvania system, of 
about the same mileage, can handle from 75,000,000 to 100,- 
000,000 tons a year. It seems, in consequence, a well-founded 
opinion that this flimsily built road, with its small sum of 
rolling stock, cannot bear the heavy transport of troops and 
supplies necessary for a war, but will break down under the 
strain. 

Everything has been done for the benefit of first-class 
travelers, alike in regard to the warmth and comfort of the 
cars, the supply of palatable food at the restaurants, and even 
the station bookstall, at which a satisfactory supply of reading 
matter may be obtained. The trains themselves have excel- 
lent restaurants and well-stocked libraries, and copy some- 
what closely the luxurious accommodations provided on the 
best American trains. As for the transportation of laborers, 
emigrants, military recruits, etc., no such attention to com- 
fort is given, yet the demands for this class of travelers are so 
great that the government has been obliged to enlarge the 
rolling stock for this, the fourth-class service, to 7,000 cars. 

The nations immediately connected with Russia in the 
events with which this book is concerned have not failed 
to pay a degree of attention to railway building, especially 
the progressive country of Japan, whose people have been so 



io8 THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 

active in railway building that they are said to have con- 
structed 3,000 miles of road. In China the enterprise has 
not come from within, but from without. The first short 
line was built by British promoters in 1876, but this was torn 
up by the Chinese, and the true era of railway construction 
began ini88i. In 1899 there were not only 566 miles under 
operation, but 6,000 miles were projected, and concessions 
granted for half this amount. Though much of the com- 
pleted work was destroyed during the madness of the Boxer 
outbreak, there were in use at the beginning of 1904 about 
750 miles. One of the lines extended northward from Peking 
to Shan-hai-kwan, where the Great Wall of China reaches 
the sea, and there connected with a branch of the Russian 
Manchurian line from Mukden, the capitals of Russia and 
China being thus connected by rail. 

It may be said further that a branch road is projected 
in the opposite direction from Mukden to Wiju, a town on the 
Korean side of the Yalu River. This it was the Russian 
design to extend eventually southward to Seoul, the capital 
of Korea. This capital city has already been connected by 
a short and well-built railway with its port of Chemulpo on 
the western coast. This was the work of Japan, which has 
also practically completed a much longer road from Fusan, 
on the southern coast of Korea, northward to Seoul, which 
will be of very material utility in the transportation of 
troops. 

The Russian railroads in Asia are destined to be of the 
utmost future importance in both military and commercial 
directions, and to play a leading part in the coming history 
of that continent. By the aid of the Transcaspian road, 
with its connections with the European system, the Russian 
army can be quickly concentrated in force on the borders of 
Afghanistan, in readiness to be poured into India in the 
event of any future war with England. It will be of equal 



THE GREAT RUSSIAN RAILWAYS IN ASIA 109 

advantage in aiding any Russian projects for the acquisition 
of more territory in central or southern Asia, and in keep- 
ing the Turkoman population of the steppes in peaceful sub- 
jection. Commercially it gives Russia an immense advan- 
tage in its competition with England and France for the 
markets of Central Asia, and must lead to a great develop- 
ment of the material resources of the oases of Turkestan, 
and particularly of the cotton culture, which is now being 
actively pursued in Turkestan and Ferghana. That a 
demand for European wares will grow up among the Asiatic 
agriculturists is beyond question, and the energetic desert 
nomads, having lost their favorite amusement of war and 
pillage, may join the inhabitants of the oases in gaining 
new ideas, habits and industries when the iron web of the 
railroad has been stretched far and wide through their country. 

The Transsiberian road can be of no less utility from 
both points of view, that of enabling Russia to control its 
restless population in Siberia and the steppes and to hold a 
continual threat over China, and that of inducing a rapid 
growth of population and an immense development of agri- 
culture and mining in Siberia, and opening a great overland 
trade with China. 

For centuries past Western civilization has beaten like 
the waves of a sea on the shores of Eastern barbarism, with 
scarcely a breach in their firm barrier. At length the barrier 
is broken. With the extension of the railroad it promises 
to spread over the Oriental world like an inundation. 
Gradually hostility must be repressed, industry aroused 
and taught new methods, machinery introduced, new reli- 
gious, political and economical ideas penetrate, and the 
coming generation is likely to see the growth of a radical 
improvement in the conditions of Asiatic communities in 
general, perhaps not less marked than that which is progress- 
ing under our eyes in Japan. 



CHAPTER X. 

Russia's Hold on Chinese Territory 

The Boxer Outbreak and Its Results — The Attack on the Manchurian Railways— 
The Chinese in Arms and the Russians in Flight — The Terrible Work at 
Blagovestchensk — The Russian Invasion and Reoccupation of Manchuria- - 
The Powers Dissatisfied — The Russo-Chinese Manchurian Treaty — Count 
Lamsdorff's Statement — Views of Mr. Colquhoun — The Broken Pledge to 
Evacuate — How Russia Policed the Railway — The Feeling in Japan — Peril 
of the Island Empire — Russian Steps of Occupation in Korea — Japan Vigor- 
ously Protests and Grows Warlike. 

THE final great event in the history of Russia's advance 
in Asia — succeeding the lease of Port Arthur and 
Talien-wan in 1898, and the concessions of territo- 
rial right in 1896, to construct a railway through northern 
Manchuria, and subseo^uently a branch road from Harbin 
to Port Arthur — came after the great Boxer outbreak in 
China in 1900. This, with the military activity of the nations 
having diplomatic relations with China in protection of their 
-gmbassies, offered an excellent opportunity to obtain rights 
in China without waiting on the deliberate methods of 
diplomacy, an opportunity which Russia employed to tighten 
her hold on Manchuria. 

The violent assault by the Boxers on the quarters occu- 
pied by the foreign ambassadors at Peking called out an 
allied force of European, American, and Japanese troops, 
which marched upon and took Peking, rescuing the threat- 
ened embassies and defeating the insurgent Chinese. In 
this Russia took part. Btit aside from this she had a part 
of her own to take, that of protecting her railway through 
Manchuria, which had been attacked and very seriously 



RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY iii 

injured by the hostile inhabitants of the province. Russia 
possessed by treaty the right of protecting this property, 
and did not hesitate to make active use of her privilege. 

The road in question had been largely built by Chinese 
laborers, and was protected in great measure by Chinese 
soldiers, there being at that time vcxy few Cossack soldiers 
in the province. But when the outbreak began, the fidelity 
of these workers and soldiers quickly reached the vanishing 
point. In the words of G. Frederick Wright, who was visit- 
ing that region during the insurrection, the entire population 
of Manchuria turned upon the foreigners with scarcely a 
moment's warning. Two weeks later, — he continues, — upon 
going up the Amur River, we found the Russian steamers 
thronged with fugitive women and children, a number of 
whom had hospitably entertained us in the centre of Man- 
churia. A few days after our passage through the country, 
these had barely escaped with their lives. It is difficult to 
realize the suddenness with which this storm burst upon the 
Russians. To meet it there was no preparation. The engi- 
neers with their families were not adequately guarded, and 
the vast property of the railroad was everywhere exposed. 
To the extent of their ability the Chinese destroyed this prop- 
erty, and it was only by the most hasty flight that any of the 
foreigners escaped. These facts ought definitely to dispel 
the impression which has prevailed in many quarters that 
the war in China was fomented by the Russians in anticipa- 
tion of the great advantages which they were going to reap 
from it. 

After reaching Khabarovsk, and visiting Vladivostok, 
we proceeded up the Amur River on July ii, when we had 
ample opportunities to see the frantic efforts made by the 
Russians to repair their mistake and send a military force to 
Harbin for the protection of their property. With great 
haste the troops already in quarters had beeii forwarded 



112 



RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 



from Vladivostok to Tien-tsin; and, though the whole reserve 
force of the Amur district was mobilized as rapidly as possible, 
there was necessarily much delay. The desperateness of the 
situation was shown in the fact that the Russians brought 
down all their regimerts stationed at Blagovestchensk, num- 
bering about five thousand men, and sent them up the Sun- 
gari River to protect the property at Harbin. This left 
Blagovestchensk defenseless until other Russian troops could 
be brought down the river from Transbaikalia, 700 miles to 
the west. But as the water was low, these troops were long 
delayed. 

Meanwhile the Chinese, having quietly but rapidly 
brought up to the opposite side of the river a large force, with 
five cannon, and thrown up earthworks for a distance of about 
three miles, without a moment's warning began firing upon 
the city; while, a few miles below, the Chinese fort at Aigun 
opened fire upon the Russian steamboats that were passing 
down. 

What added to the difficulty of the situation for the 
Russians was that there were 3,000 Chinese living in the 
city, and 25,000 living in villages on the Russian side, from 
ten to twenty miles below the city. It was at once evident 
that these were a source of weakness to the Russians ; and so 
like a thunderclap had this hostility of the Chinese burst upon 
them that they naturally felt that no Chinaman could under 
the circumstances be trusted. It seemed therefore a military 
necessity of the most urgent kind for the Russians to clear 
the Chinese away from their side of the river if they would 
protect their own households. What was done was not 
through orders from the central government, but from a 
spontaneous impulse of self-preservation. 

It was a fearful sight to drive as we did through these 
burning villages, which the Cossacks were still setting on 
fire, and see everywhere the signs of utter desolation which 



RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 113 

prevailed. Not a Chinaman was visible. The disconsolate 
flocks of geese and herds of swine and clusters of subdued 
dogs huddling together in the open squares, with smoldering 
buildings all around, have left a picture on our minds that 
cannot soon be forgotten. The thousands of men, women, 
and children in these villages had disappeared, no one would 
ever know where. Probably few of them escaped death. 
The fate of the 3,000 Chinese in the city of Blagovestchensk 
is well known. In attempting to cross the river to join their 
own countrymen they nearly all perished. Two days after 
the catastrophe, we could count hundreds of their bodies 
floating down the stream. 

As to which side was responsible for this massacre authori- 
ties disagree. Mr. Wright states that rafts were provided 
for the fugitives, who were started safely on their way. But 
the rafts were of the frailest character, and were so over- 
crowded that they soon went to pieces, the disaster being 
hastened, as Mr. Wright says, by the Chinese themselves 
opening fire on them. The consequent panic resulted in the 
drowning of nearly the entire number. For this massacre 
the Russians have been held, by most writers, wilfully respon- 
sible, a charge improbable in itself, and negatived by the 
above statement from a visitor shortly after its occurrence. 

The temporary reverse to the Russians in Manchuria, 
due to the general hostility of its people and the paucity of 
Russian soldiers in the province, was rapidly repaired, troops 
being hurried there from all accessible points with all possible 
expedition. Soon strong bodies of Cossack and other soldiers 
advanced into- the provmce, defeating the Chinese wherever 
met, capturing towns on the Amur and southward, slaughter- 
ing ah who opposed them, and rapidly taking possession 
of the most important points. 

Their progress forward was practically, though not 
avowedly, a conquest of Manchuria. The large city of Kirin, 

8 



114 RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 

nearly 400 miles south of the Amur, was captured and occu- 
pied, and soon after ancient Mukden, the sacred city of the 
empire, lying far southward in the province, was invested 
and taken. All this was declared by the Russians to be "a 
terrible vengeance" for the Chinese invasion of Siberia and 
the sudden attack on Blagovestchensk. As regards the 
assumed purpose of Russia to annex Manchuria, however, 
this was definitely denied by the government, which claimed 
to have merely established military protection over threat- 
ened localities near the Amur and along the line of the rail- 
way, leaving the remainder of the province unoccupied. 
The occupation, however, seems to have been 60,000 strong. 

Despite the fact that the allied powers had come to an 
understanding not to take possession of any Chinese territory, 
Russia continued her occupation of Manchuria after the troops 
had been withdrawn from Chinese soil, and disquieting 
reports of agreements signed between Russian and Chinese 
statesmen were promulgated from time to time. There 
were what seemed strong indications that Russia proposed 
to obtain, through the unwilling concurrence of China, a 
protectorate over Manchuria, a stepping stone, it was believed, 
to a final ownership of the province. 

Much as the other powers felt dissatisfied with this action 
on the part of Russia, they had little or no opening for a pro- 
test. When China, during the Boxer outbreak, attacked the 
Russians and their railway in Manchuria, making a path 
marked by destruction of Russian property and life as far 
as to the Russian boundary along the Amur, and then crossed 
that river and invaded Siberia, Russia availed herself to the 
full of her leasehold rights, sending large armies, retaking her 
railwa}^ property, and, for the requisite protection against 
recurrence of such a sudden craze, assuming military possession 
and control of large areas along the railways, naturally includ- 
*ng the chief towns of the province. Such was the military 



KUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 115 

possession and control which, the later agreemeilt between 
China and Russia was supposed to have developed, organized 
and continued indefinitely. It was difficult for any of the 
powers to show precisely where, in terms, this movement 
violated the agreement by them all not to use their armed 
entrance into China for annexation of territory. Russic 
made no "annexation," though that might be prophesied as 
the ultimate result of her action. Moreover, in the whole 
dealing with Manchuria the allied powers had no part ; Russia 
stood alone, her action having no immediate connection with 
the movement on Peking. 

In February, 1901, reports were heard of a further and 
more important treaty or agreement between China and 
Russia, definitely fixing the relative position of these powers 
in Manchuria. China was to resume the entire civil govern- 
ment of that province of the empire, while Russia was to 
increase the number of her soldiers doing police duty along 
the railway, and maintain a strong protective force until the 
country had resumed its former peaceful condition. No Chi- 
nese soldiers were to be stationed in the province until after 
the railway was completed, and the importation of arms 
into Manchuria was forbidden. The number of Chinese police 
patrols to be permitted was to be left to Russia to decide. 

This reported convention caused a considerable inter- 
national disturbance, especially as some of its stipulations 
indicated that the ambitious designs of Russia were not 
confined to Manchuria, but had in view the ultimate acqui- 
sition of the much larger region of Chinese Mongolia and 
Turkestan, an exclusive interest in their mining and other 
industries being reserved for Russia. The existence of such 
a convention, however, was denied by Count Lamsdorff, 
Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, who declared that the 
rumor arose from a modus vivendi which the Russian 
military authorities had been directed to arrange with the 



ii6 RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 

Chinese local civil authorities in order to provide for "the 
simultaneous presence of Russians and Chinese in southern 
Manchuria," without a "recurrence of disturbances in the 
vicinity of the Russian frontier ; ' ' also in order to protect the 
railway to Port Arthur. 

" No arrangement with the central government of China 
or of a permanent character had been concluded with regard 
to Manchuria." The Czar had no intention "of departing 
in any way from the assurances which he had publicly given 
that Manchuria would be entirely restored to its former 
condition in the Chinese empire as soon as circumstances 
admitted." Russia could no more fix the final date for 
evacuating Manchuria than could the allies for evacuating 
the capital and the province of Pe-chi-li. Russia would first 
" obtain from the central government of China an effective 
guarantee against recurrence of the recent attack on her 
frontier and the destruction of her railway; but she had no 
intention of seeking this guarantee in any acquisition of terri- 
tory or an actual or virtual protectorate of Manchuria." 

This disclaimer by Count Lamsdorff was somewhat 
doubtfully received by the powers. Whatever were the 
actual terms of the supposed agreement, China refused to 
accept it, and it was withdrawn by Russia on April 5, 1901. 
The Russian occupation continued intact, however; and later 
on, another treaty was negotiated, apparently on much the 
same lines as before, but more cleverly worded, in order to 
allay Chinese susceptibility. The promise to restore to China 
the railway from ' New-chwang to Shan-hai-kwan, at the 
extremity of the Great Wall, was a powerful lever in the 
hands of the Russian envoy. The negotiation of this treaty, 
however, was suspended at the death of Li Hung Chang, 
who was concerned in it on the side of China. It was resumed 
December 20, 1901, but was delayed through Chinese unwill- 
ingness to agree to the Russian demands. 



RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 117 

As eventually agreed upon, Russia covenanted to return 
to China within a stated period the Manchurian province, 
removing her troops in three instalments, the first in October, 
1902, the second in April, 1903, the final evacuation to take 
place on October 8, 1903. The Manchurian and the Shan- 
hai-kwan railways were to be surrendered to China— though 
subject to the concessions Russia had obtained — and " Russia 
was to be relied upon exclusively to protect the line." As 
for the Chinese military forces in Manchuria, they, while 
nominally commanded by a Tartar general, were to be drilled 
and disciplined exclusively by Russian officers. 

In addition, the treaty exclusively reserved for Russia 
all mining and commercial rights and privileges in the prov- 
ince — a reservation of considerable moment, and not well 
in agreement with the "open door" policy advocated by the 
other nations. In regard to the methods pursued by Russia, 
we may quote from a recent paper by Mr. Colquhoun, in the 
London Morning Post. In his view it matters little what are 
the terms of the Russo-Chinese convention, the vital point 
being, not what Russia promises, but what she has done 
and is doing in Manchuria. He further says, referring to 
Russian diplomatic methods: 

" The first step of the military in occupying the country, 
was either to square or crush the leading officials. Such as 
were amenable were placated with presents and retained in 
office; some even paid visits to St. Petersburg, where they 
were most graciously received. Those who did not fall in 
with Russian views were removed at once without any regard 
to efficiency. The tactics pursued during the earlier portion 
of the campaign in Manchuria was followed by a period during 
which the lavish expenditure on public works, railways, 
buildings, roads and bridges, employing some 50,000 Chinese, 
restored prosperity to the country, but a prosperity, be it 
noted, which had its rise in Russian sources. It is not sur- 



ii8 RUSSIA'^ HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 

prising in these circumstances that the people became recon- 
ciled to their conquerors and appreciated the advantages 
they were reaping in increased wages, plentiful work and 
safety from the banditti." 

The view of coming events taken by Mr. Colquhoun 
proved to be in close accordance with the facts, as subse- 
quently developed. The partial evacuation promised for 
October, 1902, did not take place. When April, 1903, 
arrived Russia claimed that the non-arrival of the Chinese 
Taotai prevented the formal restitution of the city of New- 
chwang to China; later in the month the organization of an 
international commission to prevent the recurrence of bubonic 
plague was offered as an excuse ; again Russia claimed to be 
holding the city on account of the presence of German and 
American gunboats in the harbor. Russia had formally 
pledged itself three times that the "open door" should be 
maintained in Manchuria, and that the troops should be 
withdrawn as soon as peace was restored, but when the time 
came inclination seemed wanting. 

The failure to carry out the pledges was looked upon 
by the powers as a distinct breach of faith. Japan and 
Great Britain made formal protests and other powers showed 
their displeasure in a diplomatic way. The protests seemed 
to have effect, inasmuch as Russia hastened to assure the 
world that her intentions were not to retain any military 
occupancy of the territory, but to exercise a protective con- 
trol for a short period. New-chwang was evacuated, but on 
May 8 was reoccupied with a larger force of troops, only to 
be again freed on May 9. On May 12 Manchuria was declared 
open by Russia, foreigners being given the right to trade there 
without Russian passports. In June it was reported that 
Russia was building permanent houses and barracks in the 
province with every sign of establishing herself more firmly. 
la JuJv a more active movement of troops took place, which 



RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY itg 

again brought out protests from the powers. In September 
Russia again offered to withdraw under certain conditions, 
which were of the nature of demands upon China, and seemed 
evidence of Russia's intention to hold the province in spite 
of the protests, and the final period of October 8, 1903, passed 
without a soldier being withdrawn. The conditions demanded 
were of a character which China positivel}^ refused to concede, 
and the occupation, in consequence, continued. 

As concerns the actual character of the Russian hold 
on Manchuria, a brief statement may here be offered. 

In the course of surveying and constructing the railway, 
fortified posts were established from ten to fifteen miles apart 
along the line and occupied by troops, Chinese and Russian. 
Russian dress, food and liquor being entirely different from 
those of the Manchus, Russian merchants were necessary 
adjuncts to the advance bodies of engineers and Cossacks. 
Every post became a Russian settlement, with its stores and 
buildings, and in the large towns and cities the Russian 
section became an im.portant part. The course of the rail- 
ways includes most of the imxportant towns and cities. Russia 
put a liberal estimate on the possibility of trouble and on the 
number of troops necessar}^ to guard her property and sub- 
jects, and took advantage of the slightest disturbance to 
greatly increase the force. The troops bore the milder term 
of railway police, but the term did not change the fact of 
military occupation. The country had thus become well 
occupied and Russianized before the time of the Boxer 
uprising, and has been more fully occupied since. It may 
be said further that the project is entertained of building a 
new railway to the Siberian line, more direct than that to 
Harbin, and crossing the territory of Chinese Mongolia, a 
vast district in which Russia has made various steps of advance 
and is supposed to view with covetous eyes. 

These steps of Russian diplomacy did not go on without 



126 RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 

a watchful eye from the powers, accompanied by various 
marks of disapprobation. But it was left to Japan to carry 
her hostility to the Russian operations to a greater extreme 
and fairly to threaten war unless Russia should comply with 
her treaty obligations with China. In truth, Japan was far 
more vitally concerned in the Russian occupation of Man- 
churia than any of the more distant powers. In view of the 
steady and long-continued aggressive movement of Russia 
in Asia, the island empire felt concerned about its own future 
independence. Russia was rapidly approaching the Pacific 
shores opposite her own. Only the helpless kingdom of 
Korea lay between. That once acquired — and there were 
many signs that Russia proposed to acquire it — the great 
continental and the small island empire would stand face to 
face, with only a narrow ocean strait between. In such a 
case the future independent existence of Japan would be 
seriously threatened, and it might follow Manchuria .and 
Korea as a final eastward acquisition of the great Colossus 
of the West. 

This being the case, Japan, while deeply concerned 
regarding the Russian occupation of Manchuria, was still 
more solicitous to preserve Korea from aggressive opera- 
tions, and watched with hostile eyes any movement in the 
direction of acquisition within the "hermit kingdom" on 
the part of Russia. Straws, showing which way the wind 
was likely to blow, were already in the air. The first action 
concerning Korea was one taken after the war of 1894-95, 
in the form of a treaty with Japan in which it was agreed 
that Korea should remain independent under the joint pro- 
tection of Russia and Japan. This was of a reassuring 
nature, though in it Russia reserved the right to construct 
a telegraph line from the frontier to Seoul, the capital, stipu- 
lating that Korea could acquire it when she had the means. 

In 1897 the reorganization of the Korean army was 




HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY, MUTSUHITO, EMPEROR OF JAPAN 




Copyrighted, Purdy 



KOGORO TAKAHIRA, JAPANESE EMBASSADOR 

"In compliance with your request of recent date, I take pleasure in sending you 
my photograph lately taken. 
Yours very truly. 



The Legation of Japan 
Washington.' 




RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 121 

intrusted to Russian military officers, and in 1899 Korea 
granted to a Russian business concern the right to cut timber 
from certain specified forest districts. Russians were also 
authorized to catch whales off the Korean coast, and land 
was leased to the whalers for the purpose of handling their 
catch. Unimiportant as these concessions appeared, that 
concerning the cutting of timber led in the summer of 1903 
to a direct movement of aggression, Russian troops being 
sent across the Yalu River under the pretext of protecting 
the lumbering interests in Korea. Those troops seem to 
have been sent in small detachments and under the guise of 
surveyors, so as not to attract special notice, but as a whole 
formed a body of some strength, and one which lost no time 
in making good its position by the construction of barracks 
and intrenchments. The settlement thus made was near 
Wiju, on the Yalu above its mouth. 

The movement in Korea did not stop here. The town 
of Yongampho, on the Korean side of the Yalu, and in a 
position to protect the mouth of that river, was next occupied, 
under the claim that Russia needed it as a shipping port for 
timber from Mount Heigna. This preposterous claim was 
met by the Korean government with the statement that the 
timber rights granted did not reach that mountain, and 
with the protest that Yongampho had been occupied without 
sanction on the part of Korea. This protest, however, did 
not affect the action of Russia, which also made the further 
claim that the tim.ber concession carried with it the right to 
build telegraph lines and railroads in aid of the lumbering 
business, and also to appropriate land for homes for the 
workmen. 

The protest of Korea against these movements on the 
part of Russia was joined in by Japan, and with such vigor 
that war seemed the only alternative to the withdrawal of 
the Russians. At the same time Japan showed a similar 



122 RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 

tendency to obtain a foothold on Korean soil, demanding 
the same rights there as Russia enjoyed in Manchuria. One 
step made by Japan in this movement was the building of a 
short railway line from Chemulpo on the coast to Seoul in 
the interior, while a much longer line from Fusan northward 
to Seoul was rapidly under way. Such was the state of 
affairs at the close of 1903. They were to be followed in 
1.904 by more evident signs of hostility, and by negotiations 
between Russia and Japan, with the threat of war in the 
background in case of the failure of diplomatic measures. 

A brief statement of the character of these negotiations 
will fitly conclude this portion of our work. In the transfer 
of diplomatic notes between the two parties, Russia proposed 
a compromise to the effect that the influence of Japan should 
be paramount in the southern portion of Korea, while the 
Czar's empire-builders should have practically a free hand 
to the northward of a neutral zone that Russia proposed to 
draw across the country. This would have given Russia 
full control of the Yalu River, the boundary between Korea 
and Manchuria, and would also have meant, in effect, the 
Russianization of the adjacent northern part of Korea, thus 
virtually extending the southern tip of Siberia in such a way 
as to give Russia a continuous land connection from Vladi- 
vostok to Port Arthur. Russia further insisted upon the 
guarantee of free and unobstructed navigation through the 
channels of the Korean Strait, which lies between Korea and 
Japan. Further, admitting certain trading rights in Man- 
churia, Russia refused to discuss with Japan the political 
future of that nominally Chinese province. The Japanese, 
on the other hand, felt that any such arrangement would 
give them only temporary security in southern Korea, while 
making certain the outright annexation of Manchuria by 
Russia in the near future, and also probably the annexation 
of the Yalu or northern portion of Korea. They further con- 



RUSSIA'S HOLD ON CHINESE TERRITORY 123 

sidered that such an arrangement would make certain the 
complete dominance of Russia at Peking and the ultimate 
Russianization of at least the northern part of China proper, 
together with Mongolia. In short, the 'great stake for which 
the Japanese held they were contending was the preserva- 
tion of the Chinese Empire, and the maintenance and integrity 
of Korea as an Oriental state nominally independent but 
practically under Japanese influence and guardianship. It 
was believed by the Japanese, in view of their own remarkable 
modern history, that if Russian encroachments could only be 
resisted during this present period of China's helplessness 
and Korea's pitiable feebleness, the time would certainly 
come when the latent strength of China would be developed 
and organized, so that in cooperation or in alliance with Japan 
the Far Eastern powers could protect themselves against the 
Russian advance. Meanwhile, they asked China to appear 
neutral. 

Such was the character of the negotiations which were 
brought to a sudden end by the breaking off of diplomatic 
relations with Russia and the destructive attack on the 
Russian fleet at Port Arthur in early February, 1904. 



CHAPTER XI. 

The Terrible Russian Exile System 

The Dark Side of Russian Criminal Life — How This System Has Grown — The 
Island Home of Criminals — Its Nearness to Japan — Effect of the War on 
the Exiles. 

TO many people the coming of the war between Russia 
and Japan seemed to bring a hope that there would 
be a way to strike a blow at the Russian exile system 
and the release of the political prisoners. Too many 
had judged incorrectly of the merits of this system and 
had been too eager to condemn it as inhuman and entirely 
unjustified. An account of the situation of the exiles at the 
opening of hostilities is interesting to all the world, and may 
be told here. If successful in her attacks on Russia, Japan 
would be able to land troops on the convict island of Sag- 
halien, just north of the Japanese archipelago, and release the 
forty thousand men and women imprisoned there. Once 
free, the murderers, traitors, nihilists and revolutionists who 
compose its population would be able at last to avenge them- 
selves to some small degree upon the government which has 
doomed them to a living death. Would Japan dare do this? 
The convict island is situated at the northern end of the 
Japan Sea, like the keystone of an arch. Southwest is the 
Asiatic coast of the Russian- Siberian province of Amur and 
the seaport of Vladivostok. Southeast, across a narrow strait, 
lies the Japanese island of Yesso. Although six hundred 
miles long, Saghalien is so narrow that it has the shape of a 
pickerel on the map. In area it is equal to the State of South 
Carolina; in climate it may be likened to southern Green- 
land or northern Norway. If dug up and laid down on the 
124 



THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 125 

Atlantic Coast, between the same parallels of latitude, it 
would stretch from Bangor, Me., to central Labrador. 

To this cold, inhospitable, remote part of the earth 
Russia banishes her worst enemies of state. When a peasant 
commits an atrocious murder the penalty is Saghalien. When 
a bank teller embezzles a fortune he is doomed to exile in 
Saghalien. Should some high official prove a traitor to his 
government he exchanges his splendid St. Petersburg draw- 
ing-rooms for the log huts of Saghalien. 

There was a secret military conference between Russia 
and France not long before hostilities began, when the two 
powers agreed on a mode of attack on Germany should either 
nation go to war with the Kaiser. Not long afterward it 
was discovered that Germany by some mysterious means 
had learned the stratagem. Colonel Grimm, a trusted Rus- 
sian officer, was suspected of treachery, and in the face of 
indisputable evidence he confessed himself a traitor. It was 
estimated that the changes in fortifications made necessary 
by his treachery cost the Russian government $5,500,000. 
Yet he was not hanged or shot. His fate was worse. He 
was banished to Saghalien. 

Since Russia has completed the continental railroad 
across her Asiatic domain she has sought to change the char- 
acter of Siberia from a penal colony to a great industrial prov- 
ince. She has endeavored to wipe out the wretched asso- 
ciations which haunt the name of Siberia because of its past, 
and which stunted its growth. As long as Russia continued 
to found penal settlements within this region, to which were 
condemned murderers as well as refined • men and women 
banished thither because of their political views, voluntary 
immigration into Siberia from the congested parts of Russia 
amounted to little or nothing. For the reason that the con- 
vict settlements were adjacent to towns, a Russian citizen 
of good standing liad no desire to emigrate to such a com- 



126 THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 

munity, where his family must needs associate with the out- 
casts of society. 

Accordingly, Russia in recent years has been sending 
her chief offenders to the far distant island of Saghalien. 
The war, however, put a stop to the further deportation of 
convicts to the island. If Russia were to attempt to send 
her convicts by ship, as was once her custom, from the Black 
Sea port of Odessa, the Japanese warships would hold them 
up somewhere along the Pacific Coast. If she sent them by 
railroad to Vladivostok, the Mikado's ships were there to 
capture them after they had been put on board ships for 
the island. 

Russia began sending exiles to Siberia in the middle of 
the seventeenth century, instead of branding them with hot 
irons, impaling them on hooks, cutting out their tongues or 
amputating their limbs, as she had done before. In the 
middle of the eighteenth century the Muscovites abolished 
capital punishment, and, instead of executing their worst 
criminals, they banished them to Asiatic Russia. They 
populated vast tracts with sparsely scattered colonies of con- 
victs. Between the years 1823 and 1887 nearly eight hun- 
dred thousand men and women were torn from their homes 
in Europe and driven to far-away Siberian settlements. 

In the days before the Siberian railroad the exiles were 
marched on foot with an escort of soldiers. They were first 
transported to Tyumen, seventeen hundred miles east of St. 
Petersburg, where they were herded together in pens, to be 
forwarded to various destinations. 

On visiting the convict pens of Tyumen, in 1885, George 
Kennan wrote, in The Century Magazine: 

"There was practically no ventilation, and the air was 
so poisoned and foul that I could hardly force myself to 
breathe it. We visited successively in the yard six 'kame- 
ras,' or cells, essentially like the first, and found in every one 



THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 127 

of them three or four times the number of prisoners for which 
it was intended, and five or six times the number for which 
it had adequate air space. In most of the cells there was 
not room enough on the sleeping platforms for all of the 
convicts, and scores of men slept every night on the foul, 
muddy floors under the 'nari'— sleeping platform — and in the 
gangway between it and the walls. Three or four pale, 
dejected and apparently sick prisoners crawled from under 
the sleeping platform in one of the cells as we entered. 

"In one of the cells were eight or ten 'dvaryane,' or 
nobles, who seemed to be educated men, and in whose pres- 
ence the warden removed his hat. Whether any of them 
were ' politicals ' or not I do not know, but in this part of the 
prison the 'politicals' were usually confined. The air in the 
corridors and cells, particularly in the second story, was 
indescribably and unimaginably foul. Every cubic foot of 
it had apparently been respired over and over again until 
it hardly contained an atom of oxygen; it was laden with 
fever germs from the un ventilated hospital wards, fetid odors 
from diseased human lungs and unclean human bodies, and 
the stench arising from unemptied buckets at the ends of the 
corridors. I breathed as little as I possibly could, but every 
respiration seemed to pollute me to the very soul, and I 
became faint from nausea and lack of oxygen. It was like 
trying to breathe in an underground hospital drain." 

There are still prisons at Tomsk, Irkutsk, in central 
Siberia, and at Khabarovsk, in eastern Siberia, on the Amur 
River, but they are used for the temporary detention of 
prisoners. Exiles condemned to long periods of banishment 
are sent to remote Saghalien, where they are confined in the 
great prison at Korsakoff for two years or put to work in the 
coal mines, chained to iron wheelbarrows. Those who have not 
been doomed to banishment for life may obtain a parole on 
good behavior and be permitted to make their homes in Siberia. 



128 THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 

Saghalien has been a sealed book of crime and wretched- 
ness to the rest of the world, save for a few travelers who 
have landed on its frigid shore. Dr. Benjamin Howard 
visited the island not long ago, and he tells how the prisoners 
are confined within a sort of stockade, similar to some of the 
American prisons in which Union soldiers were confined 
during the Civil War. Within this wooden wall stand the long, 
low, prison buildings, in which the convicts work and sleep. 
For the reason that an exile during his two-year term of 
imprisonment is compelled to wear leg-irons, with a five- 
pound ball tugging at each foot, he is allowed a greater 
amount of freedom than the inmate of a New York State 
prison. Dr. Howard said in an address to the American 
Geographical Society: 

" In all that large prison there were only three cells, 
all of which were large rooms. The prisoners do practically 
what they like in prison. They smoke, and go out in gangs 
to work. The three cells I saw were occupied by the most 
distinguished prisoners, and it is considered a sort of a special 
favor to occupy them. Two were occupied by princes, and 
were fitted up about as well as the quarters of an ordinary 
captain. In and about the church on Sunday mornings 
there are groups of the free. No prisoner is allowed to go 
there. In the Greek Church a great deal of the service is 
done by laymen. The layman in this case, a capital 
reader, was a murderer. The choir, also splendid singers, 
were murderers. But I asked myself, Is it not better that 
all these convicts should be worshiping together than that 
they should have been hanged?" 

One of the chief modes of torture which the Russians 
used in the darkest days of the Siberian prison system was 
the knout. Whenever an exile aroused the special ire of 
his keeper, he was lashed with the knout. When a man 
refused to confess, the knout extorted his secret. No will 



THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 129 

was so strong that one could endure its cutting blows. In 
Russia and Siberia the knout has been officially abolished, 
but in Saghalien it is still used in administering torture, and 
sometimes death. 

Few outside of certain prison officials ever behold a con- 
vict punished by the knout, yet when Dr. Howard was at 
Saghalien he witnessed a man put to its torture, because the 
resident physician was forced to seek his assistance and 
advice in handling the case. He says : 

" The criminal was stretched out on a table in the middle 
of the yard, and behind him stood the executioner. To t)ie 
right of the table, and at a good distance, was the man who 
kept the tally and counted aloud each blow as it fell — one, 
two, three, and so to the end. 

" I have never seen anything else which was so painful 
to witness. The knout has a large, thick handle, the strands 
of the whip are divided into three by knots, and with a hard 
end, and the scourge descends like a bird of prey and picks 
out the flesh. 

"As soon as it was over, and the man was found to be 
alive, he was taken to the hospital, and the doctor, who 
was one of the best of men, cared for him just as much as if 
he had been a sick woman in New York. ' ' 

One of the most horrible Russian prison scenes, accord- 
ing to escaped or liberated exiles, is the spectacle of the con- 
victs taking a bath. It has long been the rule to compel the 
prisoners to wash, the day before Christmas. However thick 
may be the dirt on their bodies the rest of the year, they 
must try to scrape some of it off at this time, in the name of 
the Church. In the story of his exile, called "Buried Alive," 
Dostoevsky tells of a bathing scene, which affords a striking 
contrast to that of Jersey shore summer resorts. He says: 

"There were only two public baths in the town. One 
was kept by a Jew, and had separate rooms which cost fifty 

9 



I30 '" THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 

kopecks each, and was frequented by the higher classes. The 
other bath was patronized by the poor people. It was very 
small, could hold only a few bathers at a time, and was 
remarkable for its dirt. We were taken there as a matter of 
course. It was a bright, sunny day, and the convicts were as 
happy as children. Soldiers with loaded guns accompanied us 

"When Petroff opened the door of the bathroom my 
first thought was that I must have got into hell by mistake. 
Into a room not more than twelve feet long by as many 
broad a mass of human beings were crowded. 

''A thick cloud of vapor hung over the bathers, nearly 
enveloping them, and the floor was so filthy that I did not 
know where to set my foot. When at last we got to the wall 
where a bench was, we found that every available place on 
the forms had already been taken. Petroff explained to me 
that we must buy a place. Petroff had prudently carried a 
coin in his fist all the way. He handed it over to the man. 
who immediately disappeared under the bench, just below 
my seat, where the mud was about two inches deep. 

" Few really washed themselves, as the common people 
care but little for soap and hot water, their idea of a bath 
consisting of getting up to the highest shelf, whipping them- 
selves violently with a bundle of birch twigs, and then 
pouring cold water down their backs. And all this mass 
of human beings was swaying backward and forward, shout- 
ing and yelling, and clanking their chains on the floor. A 
crowd had collected around the window, where the cans of 
hot water were handed in and carried over the heads of the 
bathers, who squatted on the floor. 

" Over all this bedlam roared the voice of Issai Fomitch, 
who had climbed on to the highest shelf. He was nearty 
beside himself with the heat and whipping, but it seemed as 
if no earthly heat could ever satisfy him. He hired a man 
for a kopeck to whip him, but the latter soon found the heat 



THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 131 

too much for him, threw down the rod and ran away. Issai 
Fomitch, nothing loath, hired another, then a third— he 
could be generous at times — and had as many as five m.en 
whip him that day." 

After the convicts serve two years in the prisons of 
Saghahen, or in the coal mines, they are allowed to make 
their home in some penal settlement on the island. To each 
one is given a parcel of land, and tools to build a house. 
The exile clears away a bit of the primeval forest, and with 
the trunks of the trees he constructs a log hut, with walls a 
foot or more thick, to withstand the arctic winds of winter. 
If he has made a good record, the government gives him a 
horse, some chickens, seed for planting, and a wife. Women 
comprise about one-fourth the population of the island. 
When a man wants to marry and is regarded as eligible, he 
is taken to the women's quarters and permitted to look at 
the inmates, ranged up in the long line for his inspection. 
After a few whispers he makes his choice. He may have 
killed his wife in Russia and she her husband, yet the two 
vow to take each other for better or for worse. Many of the 
women on the island go there voluntarily, because their hus- 
bands have been condemned to its prisons. In her love 
for him such a wife will live with women committed there 
for the most heinous crimes, haul water wagons, harnessed 
like horses, or scrub the floors of the officers' quarters. In 
one year 5,536 out of the 15,766 women exiled from Russia 
went voluntarily. 

A striking illustration which shows how women of high 
and low standards of refinement are made to associate in 
their life of exile is afforded by the visit of Stephen Bonsai 
to the temporar}^ prison at Khabarovsk, on the Amur River, 
at the mouth of which lies Saghalien. He writes in Harper's 
Magazine: 

" On the second floor was the jail for women. None of 



T32 THE TERRIBLE RUSSIAN EXILE SYSTEM 

the women were in chains, and they occupied large and 
sunny rooms, never more than two in a room. Several had 
their children with them. In one room we stopped and 
talked with two women who were as unlike as day is to 
night. 

" One was a great, handsome blonde girl from Russia. 
She might well have served the sculptor as a model for Diana. 
Her face was goodness itself; her eyes were soft, ingenuous and 
almost childlike. She had poisoned her husband for love 
of another man. Across the sunlit room there stood her 
sister in crime; but what a contrast in outward appearance! 
vShe was a G oldie woman, and she, too, had poisoned her 
husband for love of another man. Her face was yellow and 
sallow, her forehead low and receding; her nose was fiat, and 
her lips drooped and curled like a deerhound's; her face was 
without expression, dull and stagnant, like a muddy pool." 

At home the Russian peasant shows the effects of serf- 
dom and his inborn instinct to be governed by always electing 
an overseer to boss him. If four laborers are told to dig 
a ditch, they immediately choose one of their number to give 
them orders. So in their prison life. Russians seem to 
prefer supervision rather than individual liberty. The 
inmates of a prison divide themselves into groups of ten, 
each of which elects a captain to govern them. Says Mr. 
Bonsai : 

"The captain becomes responsible in the eyes of the 
prison authorities for the nine men who have honored him 
with their votes. Whenever a detachment of ten is respon- 
sible for some infringement of prison rules, and the individual 
delinquent cannot be ascertained, the captain, or starosta, 
receives the punishment. This system, it is said, works well, 
and makes for law and order." 



CHAPTER XII. 

Commodore Perry and the Opening 
of Japan 

Commodore Perry in the Bay of Yedo — The Letter of the President — Early His- 
tory of Japan — Rise of the Feudal System — Decline of the Emperor's Power 
— The Shogun Rules — The Coming of the Europeans — St. Francis Xavier — 
Spread of Christianity — Persecution of the Christians — Foreigners Forbidden 
to Enter Japan — The Dutch at Nagasaki — Pressure of the Nations — Rus- 
sians Seek Intercourse — -Perry's Mission — The American Demand — The 
Shogun Consents to Receive the Letter — The Ceremony of Reception — Perry 
Goes and Returns — The American Presents — The Shogun 's Answer — New 
Ports Open to American Trade — Privileges to Other Nations — The New Birth 
of Japan. 

ON the 8th of July, 1853, took place one of the most 
important events in the history of Japan. A squadron 
of war vessels, more imposing in their great hulls 
and swelling sails than Japanese eyes had ever gazed 
upon, appeared off Cape Idsu, the outer extremity of the 
Bay of Yedo, bound inward before a fresh breeze, in bold 
disregard of the lines of prohibition which Japan had for 
centuries drawn across the entrance to all her ports. It was 
an American fleet, under the command of Commodore 
Matthew C. Perry, who bore a letter from the President of 
the United States to the Emperor of Japan, suggesting that 
commercial relations should be established between the two 
countries, American vessels be supplied with coal and pro- 
visions, and shipwrecked sailors be kindly treated and 
promptly restored to their countries. This letter, splendidly 
engrossed, was inclosed in a golden box of the value of a 
thousand dollars, and was accomipanied by numerous presents 
from the President to the Emperor. The squadron consisted 

133 



134 COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 

of the steam frigates Susquehanna and Mississippi, and the 
sloops of war Plymouth and Saratoga, being the most imposing 
armament that had ever entered a Japanese port. 

For the benefit of those who may think that there was 
nothing especially notable in this, we must briefly outline 
the preceding history of Japan, in order that it may be seen 
how significant an event it really was. The detailed history 
of the island empire is full of gallant deeds of war and of the 
exploits of ambitious heroes, and also of important political 
changes; but at this we can merely give a passing glance, in 
order to show the great importance of Commodore Perry's 
visit and properly introduce to our readers the advent of 
Japan as a modern nation. 

The history of Japan reaches back into the mythical 
ages, but the Japanese begin their history with the year 660 
B. C, when Jimmu-Tenno, who had alighted from heaven 
on the island of Kiu-Siu, succeeded in bringing all Japan under 
his rule. The many emperors, or Mikados, who succeeded 
him and the events of their reigns may be passed over with- 
out mention, all we are here specially interested in being the 
decline of the power of the Mikados and the coming of Euro- 
peans to Japan. 

It may be said that a feudal system gradually grew up 
in the country, and that the great feudal nobles struggled 
with each other for power with little regard to the supremacy 
of the emperor, the dominion of these chiefs increasing until, 
in the year 1192, the warlike Yoritomo was given the title 
of Shogun and won the controlling power in the state. In 
theory he was the humble servant of the Mikado. In fact 
the Mikado had long ceased to govern, and lived in luxurious 
retirement, all the respect shoAvn him by the Shogun being 
that of mere ceremony. Thus was established a state of 
affairs which continued for many centuries, and was not 
broken up until after the visit of Commodore Perry in 1853. 



COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 135 

The Mikado was reverenced by the people as the sacred 
emperor, the head of the rehgious organization of the land, 
but all political and governing power lay in the hands of the 
Shogun. 

The next event with which we are concerned is the com- 
ing of the Christians to Japan. The first of these were three 
Portuguese, who had taken passage in a Chinese junk and 
were wrecked on the coast of Japan in 1542. Later other 
Europeans came, and in 1 549 the renowned Jesuit, St. Francis 
Xavier, landed at Kagoshima, the capital of the Prince of 
Satsuma, and began a successful career of conversion of the 
Japanese to the Christian faith. When he left the country 
in 1 55 1, Christianity had made a marked progress. Not only 
were many of the peasantry converted to the new faith, 
but men of note, even princes, became Christians, and within 
thirty years it is said that there were fully 600,000 Christian 
converts in central and southern Japan, including many of 
the daimios, or feudal nobles. Later on there were said 
to be over a million native Christians, out of a population of 
eight or ten millions in the section of the land involved. 

All might have been well but for the rivalry between the 
Jesuit and the Franciscan missionaries, and the commercial 
disputes of the Portuguese, Spanish, English and Dutch 
residents, who accused each other of malevolent designs and 
aroused shrewd suspicions of their character and purposes 
in the minds of the Japanese. There were even reports set 
afloat that the King of Portugal designed to send troops to 
follow the priests, and, with the aid of the native Christians, 
to overthrow the Mikado and gain control of the land. On 
whatever this rumor was based, the Japanese in time felt 
they had good reason to believe that such a purpose was 
entertained by more than one of the sovereigns of Europe. 

The result was a very natural one. Hideyoshi, then the 
great military chief of the land, issued an edict in 1587, in 



136 COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 

which he ordered all missionaries to leave Japan within 
twenty-four days. This was not carried out at that time, 
but was put in force in 1597, in consequence of the imprudent 
street-preaching of some Spanish Franciscans, which brought 
on a riot and an attack on the Christians. The persecution 
of the native Christians, then begun, continued during the 
succeeding forty years, by the end of which time Christianity 
was extirpated throughout the empire. . For years the inhab- 
itants of Nagasaki, a centre of conversion, were required to 
trample on the cross in the presence of the authorities, and 
placards were to be seen in the streets as late as 1868, offering 
rewards for the arrest of members of the "forbidden, lying 
and corrupt sect." 

Aside from the extirpation of Christianity, there was 
an important political result to the anti-European crusade. 
All foreigners, whether missionaries or not, were forbidden 
entrance to Japan, the only exception to this rule being a 
right granted the Dutch to send trading ships to the port of 
Nagasaki. Here the traders were strictly confined to an 
island in the harbor, subjected to degrading humiliations, 
and permitted to go on the mainland only once a year, when 
a commission took presents to Yedo to the Shogun, into 
whose august presence they had to crawl on their hands and 
knees. 

Thus Japan was locked up in prison-like seclusion against 
the outside world, the Japanese being forbidden to leave 
their country under any pretext. Some knowledge of Euro- 
pean affairs had been gained during the Christian period, 
but for more than two centuries Japan stopped short in its 
career of progress, and remained as unprogressive as China, 
which had long adopted a policy of seclusion almost as rigid 
as that of Japan. Some information as to what was going 
f'on in the world outside was, indeed, obtained from the 
Dutch, and some new industries were introduced, such as 



COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 137 

furnaces and windmills like those of Holland. Certain Dutch 
books also made their way into the land and were translated 
and published privately, in disregard of the severe restric- 
tions of the governmental edicts. Yet the drifting in of 
Western ideas and methods was very slow and slight. 

The time came when it was difficult to maintain this 
state of affairs. With the opening of the nineteenth century 
the ships of the Western nations made their way in increasing 
numbers to the North Pacific, and food and water were 
occasionally sought for at the locked gates of Japan. These 
were furnished only at Nagasaki, a warning at the same time 
being given to move on. In some cases ' shipwrecked Jap- 
anese were brought back in foreign vessels, but those who 
brought them were not welcomed, since these persons were 
no longer regarded as Japanese. Such wrecked sailors as 
sought safety on Japanese soil were held as prisoners, and 
rescued only with great difficulty. The law was that any 
foreigner who landed except at Nagasaki should be held in 
perpetual imprisonment. 

The Russians, through their Siberian posts, had become 
near neighbors of the Japanese, and sought to open trade 
with the islanders. Lieutenant Laxman landed at Hako- 
date in 1793, bringing some shipwrecked Japanese and 
seeking to establish commercial relations. He was treated 
with courtesy, but received no answer to his demand, and 
was told that he could take back his Japanese or leave them 
as he pleased. The Russians made a similar effort in 1804, 
but with no better success, the Shogun saying that he received 
all the foreign goods he wanted from the Dutch and Chinese. 
A Russian count had been sent as ambassador, and, thinking 
he had been shabbily treated, he sent back two vessels which 
plundered a Japanese settlement on Saghalien and carried 
off some prisoners, leaving a written statement that this was 
done in revenge for the slights put upon the Russian ambas- 



138 COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 

sador. The Japanese retaliated by seizing Captain Golownin, 
a Russian officer, who landed on one of the Kurile Islands in 
1 8 1 1 , and holding him for a year or two in strict imprison- 
ment. 

The United States came late into the field in the effort 
to force an entrance into Japan, but this country was the 
first to take positive measures. In 1846 two vessels of war 
were sent to Japan under Commodore Biddle, with the mission 
of trying to open a way to friendly intercourse. But they 
were repelled, the Commodore being grossly and perhaps inten- 
tionally insulted. President Fillmore was the next to act 
in the matter, sending out the squadron under Commodore 
Perry, whose arrival at the Bay of Yedo has been mentioned 
in the opening of this chapter. The results of his visit were 
of such importance that a .somewhat extended account of it 
must here be given. 

Perry's ships had no sooner dropped anchor in the bay 
than several guns were fired from a neighboring point and a 
number of boats put off from the shore. A dignitary of the 
neighboring town came on board, but the Commodore 
declined to see him, saying that he bore a message from the 
President of the United States to the Emperor of Japan 
which could be delivered only to an officer of high rank. He 
also gave orders that all guard-boats must withdraw, as he 
would not permit the squadron to be put under guard. The 
official handed the ordinary notifications, forbidding all ships 
to enter a Japanese port, to the ship's officers, but they 
declined to receive them. An hour later the official came 
back again, saying that the letter could not be accepted, and 
that Nagasaki was the proper place for foreign ships to stop. 
He was given to understand that if the governor of the town 
did not accept the letter the ships would go on up the bay 
to Yedo and deliver it to the Shogun directly. At this the 
official withdrew in a state of great agitation. 



COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 139 

During the following night watch-fires blazed along the 
shore and the watch-boats kept on the water, but left a goodly 
distance between them and the ships. The next morning 
the governor of the town himself came on board and was 
received by one of the ship's officers. After a long parley 
he offered to send to Yedo for permission to receive the letter, 
and was given three days for this purpose. 

During this interval the Americans were not idle. They 
sent surveying parties four miles up with orders to sound 
and examine the bay. The governor protested that this 
was against the laws of Japan. He was told that it was in 
accordance with the laws of America, and the soundings were 
continued. On the second day the Mississippi steamed up 
the bay after the boats, an act that doubled the agitation of 
the Japanese. At the end of the prescribed time, word came 
that the Shogun would send a high officer to receive the letter. 
It would not be answered immediately, but an answer would 
be duly returned through the Dutch or Chinese. This was 
rejected by the Commodore as insulting, and he said that he 
would return himself for an answer, after a proper interval 
had elapsed. 

The reception of the latter took place with much ceremony 
two days later. The Commodore landed with all formality, 
and, followed by a large body of officers and sailors, proceeded 
to the building set aside for the ceremony. It was hung 
with fine cloth stamped with the imperial symbols, while 
the princes of Idsu and Iwami, splendidly attired, were 
present as the envoys of the Shogun. The letter in its golden 
case was placed in a large scarlet-lacquered box, brought to 
receive it, and a formal receipt was given. The reception 
ended with the following words: 

"Because this place is not designed to treat of anything 
from foreigners, so neither can conference nor entertainment 
take place. The letter being received, you will leave here." 



I40 COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 

" I shall return again, probably in April or May, for an 
answer," said the Commodore. 

"With all the ships?" 

"Yes, and probably with more." 

These were the only words spoken, and the Commodore 
rose and departed in the ceremonious manner in which he had 
come. As if to show the Japanese officials that he did not 
intend to be ordered away, he proceeded with the Susquehanna 
to the point where the Mississippi lay. Here he dropped 
anchor, the spot becoming known as the "American anchor- 
age." The next day he sent the Mississippi ten miles higher 
up, to a point within eight or ten miles of the capital, from 
which point a crowded mass of shipping could be seen at the 
lower end of the city. Having thus shown his intention not 
to leave until ready, he ordered the vessels to set sail, and 
the following day the unwelcome visitors had disappeared. 

News being received soon after of the death of the 
Shogun, Perry deferred his return till the next year, when, 
on the 12th of February, his ships again entered the bay. 
He had now a larger number of vessels, including three 
steam frigates, four sloops of war, and two store-ships. They 
went farther up the bay than before, coming to anchor at 
the "American anchorage" of the previous year. 

A debate now arose as to where the reply should be 
received. The Japanese wished the ships to withdraw to a 
point far down the bay. Perry, on the contrary, insisted 
on going up the bay to Yedo, and sent his boats up to sound 
the channel to within four miles of the city. Finally a com- 
promise was made to meet at the village of Yokohama, oppo- 
site where the ships lay at anchor. The first reception took 
place at this point on the 8th of March. It was a formal 
affair, though light refreshments were offered. At an aiidi- 
ence held on the 13th there was less formality and the 
American presents were given. These consisted of agricul- 



COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 141 

tural implements, rolls of cloth, firearms and other articles. 
The most valuable of them were a small locomotive, tender, 
and car, which were set in motion on a circular track, laid 
for the purpose. But what most astonished and interested 
the Japanese was a mile of telegraph wire, which was set up 
and operated. They took good care, however, to conceal 
their feelings and avoid any show of wonder or surprise. 

The important feature in all this ceremonious affair 
was the letter of reply from the Shogun (or Tycoon, as the 
Americans at that time called him). This showed an incli- 
nation to remit somewhat the strictness of the seclusion of 
Japan, admitting that the demands relating to shipwrecked 
sailors, coal, water, provisions, etc., were just. It also agreed 
to the opening of another harbor besides Nagasaki, but 
asked for five years' delay in doing this. The Commodore 
answered that he would not consent to such a long and 
unnecessary delay, and would not consent to be put under 
the severe restrictions placed on the Dutch and Chinese. 
He demanded the opening of three harbors, but finally agreed 
to accept two, the port of Simodo in Hondo Island, and that 
of Hakodate in Yesso. 

This demand was finally agreed to, and three copies of 
the important treaty were exchanged. This successful com- 
pletion of the negotiation was followed by an entertainment 
on the fleet to the Japanese officials, in which they did ample 
justice to the American fare placed before them, and seemed 
especially to approve of the champagne. One of them 
became so hilarious under the influence of this unwonted 
beverage that he embraced the Commodore with the warmest 
show of affection, an infliction which Perry bore with good- 
humored patience. 

Commodore Perry had the best of warrant for being 
good-humored under the circumstances, since he had suc- 
ceeded admirably in a most difficult diplomatic mission. 



142 COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 

The very words in the receipt, " in opposition to the Japanese 
law," showed that Japan felt that it was abandoning its old 
policy of seclusion, and that the downfall of the system 
which had so long prevailed was at hand. This was shown 
at the new treaty ports, in which the rigid rules which had 
been drawn around the Dutch at Nagasaki were removed, 
American citizens being free to go where they pleased within 
the town and for several miles around it. In fact Japan — 
even if not yet quite aware of it herself — had thrown down 
the high fence which she had so long dwelt behind, and at 
last swung out into the circle of modern nations — a change 
of conditions destined to be of far more service to herself 
than to any other country with which she might have inter- 
course. 

The other maritime nations were not long in seeking 
to avail themselves of the opening made by the United 
States. Before the year was out a British fleet visited 
Nagasaki, and demanded and received important commer- 
cial concessions. It is of interest in this connection to know 
that the first foreign flag raised officially in Japan was the 
Stars and Stripes, hoisted off Shimoda in 1856, and that 
Townsend Harris. U. S. Consul, who raised it, negotiated 
the first treaty of commerce with Japan, and had the honor 
of the first audience of a foreign representative with the 
Shogun — then supposed to be the emperor. 

In 1858 the treaties were extended, the port of Yokohama 
— where the letter of the Shogun had been received — replacing 
that of Shimoda, and the treaty ports being opened to British, 
Dutch, and French traders, as well as to American. It seems 
evident that by this time the more progressive among the 
statesmen of Japan had awakened to the great superiority 
of the new policy over the old, and were beginning to see 
how seriously Japan had stood in her own light by persisting 
in her antiquated . method. This w^s shown in the freedom 



COMMODORE PERRY AND OPENING OF JAPAN 143 

with which she granted to the other commercial nations the 
privileges given America, and the fact that the country, 
so long a sealed book, was made free to travelers. In short, 
the long-continued isolation of Japan was completely broken 
down. A brief experience of the benefits to be derived from 
commerce and foreign intercourse had convinced the quick- 
witted islanders of the folly of their old system, and their 
country was thrown freely open to all the world had to offer 
it and to the ideas and inventions of all mankind. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

The Great Revolution from Shogun to Mikado 

The Mikado a Figure-head — The "Foreign Devils" — The Regent Seizes Power — • 
The Revolution Begins — The Daimios Set Free — They Seek the Mikado's 
Court — The Clan of Choshiu — Civil War Begins — Kioto Burned Down — 
The Choshiu Victorious — The Shogun Dies and a Weak Man Succeeds — He 
Resigns His Office— A New Mikado — The Shogunate is Abolished — Keiki, 
the Shogun, Fights for Power — He is Defeated and Flees — The Mikado's 
Army Capture Yedo and End the War — Feudalism Falls With the Shogunate 
— The Daimios Retire to Private Life — Foreigners at Last Welcomed. 

THE visit of Commodore Perry to Japan in 1853, the 
opening of the old land to civilization, and the signing 
of a treaty of commerce with the United States formed 
a mighty turning point in the history of that ancient empire. 
Through its influence the old system was revolutionized 
and the Mikado restored to the throne, after being for 
seven centuries the practical subordinate of the Shogun. 
He had vanished from sight for so long a period that the 
people looked upon him as a mysterious spiritual dignitary, 
almost forgetting that he had once been the supreme lord 
of the land. Yet during these ages the imperial court had 
been kept up, with all its machinery of prime minister, 
officials and nobles — with everything, indeed, except author- 
ity. The dignitaries of the Mikado's court ranked, in their 
own conceit and their ancient titles, far above the Shogun 
and daimios, the military leaders, but they were like so many 
actors on the stage, playing at power. Indeed, the Shogun, 
had he chosen to use the power at his command, might 
easily have made hiraself the_ supreme dignitary, completely 
144 



REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 145 

supplanting the Mikado, but it seemed easier to let the sleepy 
court at Kioto alone, leaving to the Mikado the shadow of 
that power of which the substance was in the Shogun's hands. 

Yet in this there was a risk. The emperor might at 
any time claim his ancestral authority, call the people and 
the army to his aid, and break through the web that the 
great spider of military rule had woven about his court. 
It was possible that some great event might stir Japan to its 
depths and bring about a sudden and vital change in the 
state of affairs. Such an event came in the visit of the 
American fleet and the signing of a treaty of commerce and 
intercourse by the Tai Kun, or great sovereign of Japan, as 
the Shogun claimed the right to style himself . 

Japan had been at peace for more than two centuries 
and for as long a time foreigners had been forbidden to set 
foot on its soil. They were looked upon as barbarians, — 
"foreign devils" the islanders called them, — the disturbances 
they had brought about long before were still borne in mind, 
and throughout the island empire the very name of Christian 
or foreigner was hated and contemned. 

The coming of Perry and his fleet, therefore, could not fail 
to send a deep stir of feeling throughout the land. During the 
excitement to which it gave rise the Shogun died, and the 
vacated power was seized by li, the regent, a man of daring 
and able character, who shrewdly chose as Shogun a boy 
twelve years old; imprisoned, exiled, or beheaded all who 
opposed him; and was suspected of an intention to depose 
the Mikado and set up a boy emperor as he had set up a boy 
Shogun. 

The acts of the regent added greatly to the excitement 
in Japan. But if it had ended with those named, the resent- 
ment would scarcely have grown to revolution. It was the 
treaty which li signed with the foreigners, that brought on 
revolt. The right he had exercised belonged only to the 



146 REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 

Mikado, and he sought to gain palliation for his act by send- 
ing word to Kioto that the exigency of the occasion had 
forced him to take this radical step. 

The result was an intense excitement that pervaded all 
Japan, whose people became divided into two parties, that 
of the Mikado, which opposed the foreigners, and that of the 
Shogun, which favored them. "Honor the Mikado and 
expel the barbarians," became the watchword of the con- 
servatives, and in all directions excited partisans roamed 
the land, vowing that they would kill the regent and his new 
friends, the hated foreigners, and that they were ready to 
die for the true emperor, who had been robbed of his rights. 
The result of the excitement was a sanguinary one. li was 
assassinated. At the moment when a strong hand was most 
needed, that of the man who had the daring to act in an 
emergency was removed. The feeling of bitterness against 
the foreigners grew, and with it the sentiment of allegiance 
to the Shogun declined. The boy Shogun whom li had chosen 
was obliged by public opinion to visit Kioto and do homage 
to the Mikado, an ancient ceremony being thus restored 
after a lapse of two hundred and thirty years, during which 
the fact that it once existed had almost been forgotten. 

A still more vital act followed. The Mikado, restored 
to an active realization of his lost authority, -bade the Shogun 
to appoint the Prince of Echizen premier of the empire. This 
was done and was followed by a remarkable step on the part 
of the new premier. For over two centuries the daimios 
had been obliged to reside in Yedo, a preventive measure to 
hold them under control. With a word the premier abolished 
this custom, and the feudal lords lost no time in seeking their 
estates. The decree which had held them so long was broken, 
and they made their way in all haste to their distant castles. 
It was a step that proved fatal to the glory of Yedo and the 
power of its sovereign lord. In the words of a na^tive qhrgn- 



REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 147 

icier, " the prestige of the Tokugawa family, which had endured 
for three hundred years, which had been as much more 
brilliant than that of Kamakura, in the age of Yoritomo, as 
the moon is more brilliant than the stars, which for more 
than two hundred and seventy years had forced the daimios 
to take their turn of duty in Yedo, and which had, day and 
night, eighty thousand vassals at its command, fell to ruins 
in the space of a single day." 

This signal act, in truth, constituted a revolution in itself. 
Many of the daimios and their retainers, freed from the 
Shogun's control, deserted the cause of their liege lord. Yedo 
was deserted by them for Kioto, the city of the Mikado, 
which became once more populous and bustling. The new 
adherents of the emperor aided their imperial master with 
gold and pledged to him their devotion. A campaign of 
pamphlets began, some writers claiming that the clans 
owed allegiance to the Shogun, others that the Mikado was 
the true and only emperor. 

A warlike step in support of the new ideas was at length 
taken in 1863, by the clan of Choshiu, which rose in favor 
of the Mikado, erected batteries at the seaport of Shimonoseki, 
refused to disarm at the Shogun's order, and fired on foreign 
vessels. The latter act led to a bombardment, in the follow- 
ing year, by the ships of four foreign nations. No great 
damage was done, but the Japanese gained their first knowl- 
edge of the strength of the powers against which they for 
the first time arrayed themselves. 

The men of Choshiu, the adherents of the Mikado, now 
urged him to proceed to Yamato and show himself to his 
people, thus demonstrating that he was ready to take the 
field in person against the barbarians. The suggestion was 
received with favor, but soon the state of affairs changed, 
the Choshiu envoys and their friends being arrested and the 
palace closely guarded, while the members and retainers 



148 REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 

of the clan were forbidden to enter the capital. This order 
placed them in the position of outlaws. This action of the 
emperor was brought about by the party of the Shogun, 
which had made him believe that the clan was plotting to seize 
his person and thus to gain the control of the empire. 

Civil war followed this act of violence, the capital being 
attacked in August," 1864, by a body of 1,300 men of the 
Choshiu and other disaffected clans. It was defended by 
the adherents of the Shogun, who had now become the sup- 
porters of the Mikado. For two days the battle raged, at the 
end of which time a great part of the city had been reduced 
to ashes, the flames destroying some thirty thousand edifices. 
"The Blossom Capital became a scorched desert." The 
battle ended in the defeat of the Choshiu, but Kioto lay in 
ruins. A Japanese city is a very fragile concern, however: 
easily destroyed, but almost as easily rebuilt. 

The next step in the revolution was a march in force 
upon Choshiu to punish its rebellious people, an expedition 
which did not prove popular with the Japanese. Some pow- 
erful feudal lords refusing to join it, many of those mustered 
into the ranks became conveniently sick, and those who 
marched were without heart for the fight. On the other hand, 
Choshiu was well prepared. The men of this clan had long 
been in contact with the Dutch and had thrown aside their 
native weapons, drilled themselves in European tactics and 
armed themselves with rifles and artillery. As a result, 
after a three months' campaign, the invading army met with 
a complete defeat and the prestige of the Shogun received 
a very serious blow. This was added to by the death, at 
this critical period, of the young Shogun, who had been worn 
out by intense anxiety during his stirring era of rule. 

The last of the Shoguns now came into power, Keiki, 
appointed head of the Tokugawa family in October, 1866, 
and made Shogun in January, 1867. He had frequently 



REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 149 

declined to accept this office, and was far too weak and fickle 
a man to hold it in such stormy times. His opposition to 
the admission of foreigners made him popular at court, but 
he was by no means the man to hold the reins of government 
at that perilous juncture of affairs. 

In fact, scarcely had he accepted the office when a vigor- 
ous pressure was brought upon himtG^ resign, in which a 
number of princes and powerful noblemen took part. They 
proposed to abolish the Shogunate and restore the ancient 
government of the realm. Keiki yielded, and in November, 

1867, resigned his office of Sei-i Tai Shogun. During this 
critical interval Komei, the Mikado, died, and his son Mut- 
suhito was raised to the throne. 

But after its many centuries of abrogation the imperial 
power was not so easily to be restored. The Aidzu, the most 
loyal of all the clans to the Shogun, and the leaders in the 
war against the Choshiu, held control in Kioto, guarding the 
palace gates, and being for the time masters of the situation. 
The party of the Mikado, however, was not idle. Small 
parties of soldiers sent by them gradually made their way 
into the capital, and a quiet influence was brought to bear 
on the court, counseling it to take advantage of the oppor- 
tunity to boldly abolish the office of Shogun, and to declare 
the young emperor the sole sovereign of the realm. 

The coup-d'etat thus suggested was effected January 3, 

1868. On that day the troops who had entered the town 
suddenly took possession of the palace gates, the nobles 
around the emperor were dismissed, others favorable to the 
movement taking their places, and an edict was issued in 
the name of the Mikado, declaring that the office of Shogun 
had ceased to exist, and that the sole government of the 
empire lay in the hands of the Mikado and his officers. New 
posts were founded and new officials chosen to fill them, 
the clan of Choshiu was relieved from the ban of rebellion 



ISO REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 

and honored as the supporter of the imperial power, and a 
completely new government was organized. 

Civil war again followed. The adherents of the Toku- 
gawa clan, in high indignation at the revolutionary act 
which had dispossessed them, left the capital; Keiki, who 
had become ambitious to regain his power, at their head. 
On the 27th of February he marched upon Kioto with an 
army of indefinite numbers, estimates varying from ten 
thousand to thirty thousand men. The two roads leading 
to the capital had been barricaded, but the defenders num- 
bered only two thousand men, though they were armed with 
artillery. 

A battle lasting for three days followed, in which the 
defenders of the barriers, greatly as they were outnumbered, 
won the victory; their defences and artillery, with their 
European discipline, giving them a great advantage. The 
defeated Shogun fled with his army to Ozaka, the castle of 
which was quickly besieged, captured" and burned. He then 
took refuge on an American vessel in the harbor. From there 
he made his way to Yedo in one of his own ships, and shut 
himself up in his palace, now inclined to withdraw absolutely 
from the struggle. 

His retainers and many of the daimios and clans strongly 
urged him to continue the war, and declared that, with the 
large army and abundant supplies at their command, and 
their powerful fleet, they could restore him to power. But 
Keiki was weary of war, and besides was troubled in soul at 
the idea of being a rebel against his liege lord. He declared 
that he would never take up arms again to battle with the 
Mikado, and withdrew from the struggle to private life. 

In the meantime the victorious forces of the south 
reached the suburbs of Yedo, and threatened to apply the 
torch to that city unless it were immediately surrendered. 
When their commander was advised of the. intention of the 



REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKADO 



151 



Shogun, he agreed to spare the city, but he assailed and 
burned the magnificent temple of Uyeno, in which those 
still in arms had taken refuge. Despite the withdrawal of 
the Shogun the war went on for a 3^ear longer, victory every- 
where favoring the imperial army. By the ist of July, 1869, 
hostilities came to an end, and the Mikado was everywhere 
acknowledged as the sole lord of the realm. 

Thus came to an end a military control of Japan that 
had lasted for seven hundred years. In 1167, Kiyomori, 
a powerful daimio, had made himself military ruler of the 
empire. In 1869, Mutsuhito, the one hundred and twenty- 
third Mikado in lineal descent, resumed the imperial power 
of which his ancestors had so long been deprived. Unlike 
China, over which so many dynasties have ruled, Japan has 
been governed by a single dynasty, according to the native 
records, for more than twenty-five hundred years — this being 
due to the fact that the emperors took no part in the govern- 
ment. 

The fall of the Shogun was followed by the suppression 
of feudalism. For the first time for many centuries the 
Emperor of Japan came from his seclusion and showed him- 
self openly to his people. He chose Yedo for the eastern 
capital of the realm, its name being changed, according to 
the Japanese custom, to Tokio. Hither, in September, 187 1, 
the daimios were once more summoned, and the order was 
issued that they should give up their strongholds, dismiss 
their feudal retainers and retire to private life. Resistance 
would have been in vain, and they hastened to obey. Thus 
fell another ancient institution, eight centuries old. The 
revolution was at an end. The Shogunate and the feudal 
system had fallen, to rise no more. A single absolute lord 
ruled over Japan. 

As regards the cry of "expel the barbarians," which had 
first given rise to hostilities, it gradually died away as the 



IS 2 REVOLUTION FROM SHOGUN TO MIKAdO 

revolution continued. The people had become aware of the 
strength of the foreign fleets, and also of the advantages of 
foreign commerce, and the conception forced itself upon 
them that, instead of being barbarians, these aliens held the 
chief place in civilization and had a thousand valuable 
lessons to teach. A complete change of mind came about 
among the intelligent Japanese, and in less than twenty 
years after the coming of the Americans, they warmly wel- 
comed those whom they had inveterately opposed, and began 
to change their institutions to accord with those of the 
Western world. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Japan Under the Mikado 

The Mikado's Promise — Feudalism Abolished — The New Principles Inaugurated — 
A Short-lived ParUament — The Pension of the Daimios — The Pariahs Made 
Citizens — A New System of Education — Newspapers, Hospitals, etc.. Estab- 
lished — A New Code of Laws — Christianity Restored — The Reforms Lead to 
Rebellion, but are Sustained — Local Assemblies Formed — The Franchise 
Given — A Nobility Established — The Mikado's Cabinet — Railroads, Tele- 
graphs and Electric Lights — The Roman Alphabet — The Constitution of 
Japan — ^Japan and the Treaty Powers — Efforts at Revision — The New Regu- 
lation^ — ^Japan in the Circle of the Great Civilized Powers. 

IN 1867, during the height of the struggle for the aboHsh- 
ment of the time-honored institution of the Shogunate, 
or miUtary control of the government of Japan, and 
the restoration of the Mikado to the power of his ancestors, 
of which the imperial family had for many centuries been 
deprived, the Mikado Komei died and was succeeded by 
his son Mutsuhito, the able ruler under whom the recent 
remarkable progress of Japan in all the elements of modem 
civilization has taken place. By July i, 1869, every vestige 
of rebellion on the part of the supporters of the old system 
had ceased and the Mikado's party was triumphant. The 
trials of the new government now began. The Kuge, or 
court nobles, and the whole body of samurai, or two-sworded 
men, the military adherents of the daimios, desired to drive 
foreigners out of the country, but certain progressive states- 
men, who were conversant with foreign ideas, opposed the 
execution of the plan and sent a noble of the imperial court 
to give the Mikado's consent to the treaties and to invite 
the foreign mmisters to an audience with the emperor in 

153 



154 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 

Kioto. The conversion of the court nobles to the party 
that desired to see Japan reconstructed on European prin- 
ciples now went on rapidly, and the young Mikado was 
induced to appear in person before the Council of State and 
to promise that a deliberative assembly should be eventually 
formed. 

Indicative of an intention to revolutionize the mode of 
government was the emperor's departure from Kioto, which 
had been the seat of his ancestors for twenty-five centuries, 
and his adoption of Yedo, thenceforth called Tokio, for his 
capital. To a considerable extent, freedom of the press was 
now guaranteed, and a number of newspapers sprang up. 
Books expounding European methods of thought and educa- 
tion were published, and many pamphlets advocating the 
abolition of feudalism appeared. Four of the great daimios, 
or feudal lords, advocated the change. They addressed a 
memorial to the throne, offering to restore the registers of 
their clans and proposing that the Mikado should resume 
possession of their fiefs. 

In conformity to this request, an edict was issued in 
September, 187 1, summoning the daimios to Tokio for the 
purpose of arranging their retirement to private life. With 
scarcely an exception, the order was obeyed; even the daimios 
who disapproved of the measure were unwilling to oppose 
the resolute men who had framed the edict. The truth is 
that, even under the feudal system, the real power in each 
clan had lain in the hands of able men of inferior rank who 
ruled their nominal masters. These are the men who, in the 
new dispensation, came to control Japan. Having first 
driven the Shogun into private life, they then compelled the 
daimios to follow him into retirement. Of the men who 
have taken a leading part in the government of the country 
since 1868, not one is a daimio by birth, and only two or 
three are Kuge, or court nobles. Almost all have been 



JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 155 

simple samurai, or retainers of the territorial lords. The 
new emperor, shortly after taking control of the government, 
had declared in a manifesto: "Henceforward we shall exer- 
cise supreme authority, both in the internal and the external 
affairs of the country. Consequently the title of Emperor 
should be substituted for that of Tycoon [Shogun], which 
has hitherto been employed in the treaties." Of this mani- 
festo, one writer says: "Appended were the seal of Dai Nip- 
pon [Japan], and the signature, Mutsuhito, this being the 
first occasion in Japanese history on which the name of an 
emperor had appeared during his lifetime." 

The most significant action of the emperor at this 
period was his promise to convoke a deliberative assembly 
or Congress of the empire, above spoken of. This "charter 
oath ' ' of Japan was in no sense the result of coercion of the 
young emperor by the progressive statesmen surrounding 
him, but was a voluntary act, though doubtless largely due 
to the counsel of his advisers, who were eager to bring Japan 
into line with the limited monarchies of the West. Solemn 
oath was taken by the emperor to bring about this important 
reform, together with other essential changes in the old 
system of the country. We append a summary of this 
highly important pledge of the young ruler. It embraces 
the following measures: 

" I. A deliberative assembly should be formed, and all 
measures be decided by public opinion. 

''2. The principles of social and political economics 
should be diligently studied by both the superior and the 
inferior classes of our people. 

''3. Every one m the commiinity shall be assisted to 
persevere in carrying out his will for all good purposes. 

"4. All the absurd usages of former times should be 
disregarded, and the impartiality and justice displayed in 
the workings of nature be adopted as a basis of action. 



1S6 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 

"5. Wisdom and ability should be sought after in all 
quarters of the world for the purpose of firmly establishing 
the foundations of the empire." 

The establishment of a Parliament was, however, slow 
in coming, being preceded by the shadow of such an assembly 
the so-called Kogisho, formed of persons chosen by the dai- 
mios and representing the interests of -feheir fiefs. Its func- 
tion was to give advice to the imperial government, but this 
advice was of the most conservative character, as may be 
seen from the fact that it refused to recommend the abolition 
of the custom of sword-wearing and of harikari, or suicide 
by sword-cuts. It was of short life, lasting only a few months, 
the emperor dissolving it in the autumn of the year in which 
it came into being. 

The suppression of the feudal system put an end to 
the old method of administration, that of the Daimiates, or 
feudal areas of control; the establishment of prefectures 
succeeding. The following brief decree brought about this 
radical change: "The clans are abolished, and prefectures 
are established in their places." The first prefects were 
chosen from the class of ex-daimios, or feudal princes, but, 
since many of these proved unfit for the work of high admin- 
istration, abler men selected from the samurai class were 
chosen to. succeed them. The suppression of the daimios, 
however, left the empire saddled with serious financial obli- 
gations, it being decreed that each ex-daimio and each of 
his feudal inferiors should receive from the public revenue 
one-tenth of the income they had drawn from their fiefs. 
This had nothing to do with the support of their retainers, 
the government engaging to pay the samurai for all services 
rendered by them. The burden thus assumed was provided 
"for by a government loan of $165,000,000. 

As for the samurai, in place of the pensions they had 
formerly received, lump sums were given them. These they 



JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 157 

did not take long to squander, and much poverty and want 
were eventually experienced by the ex-feudal retainers. 
Among other remarkable events which took place in 187 1, 
should be mentioned the removal of the ancient disqualifi- 
cation of the eta and heimin, whereby these pariah castes 
were placed on the same legal footing as the rest of the popula- 
tion. They had formerly been considered not human, and 
were now for the first time classed among the common people 
of the state. In the following year, the first railway in Japan 
was opened. This was a line between Yokohama and Tokio. 
In 1873 the European calendar was adopted, so far as the 
beginning of the year and the beginning of the months are 
concerned. The year is still reckoned, however, from Jimmu 
Tenno, which is 1873 of the Christian era, and corresponds 
to the year 2533 of the Japanese era. Still employed occa- 
sionally, also, is the Meiji year-period, which began in 1868. 

From the beginning of 1872, the remodeling of the Jap- 
anese system of education was undertaken. In April of 
that year, the Mikado, Mutsuhito, visited the Imperial Col- 
lege, subsequently known as the Imperial University. The 
new buildings consisted of three wings, each 192 feet long, 
joined to a main edifice 324 feet in length. The students 
in this institution soon numbered 350, taiight by 20 foreign 
professors. The foreign language school, in which pupils 
learned English or some other European language, prepara- 
tory to entering the college, presently had 600 students and 
20 foreign teachers. For educational purposes, the empire 
was divided into eight districts, in each of which a university 
was contemplated, which was to be supplied by 210 secondary 
schools of foreign languages. It was arranged that the 
elementary vernacular schools should number 53,000, or 
one for every 600 persons in Japan. To these elementary 
establishments were to be deputed native teachers trained 
in normal schools. Before many years had passed, the 
school attendance was computed at three millions. 



1S8 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 

During the year 1872 two legations and three consulatee 
were estabHshed abroad. Before" long, the number was 
increased to ten. The Japanese press quickly emerged from 
the realm of experiment and became a powerful civilizing 
force. In the course of a few years, ten daily newspapers 
in the capital and 200 publications in the empire, equipped 
with metal type and printing presses, began to flood the 
country with information and awaken thought. 

In the department of jurisprudence, also, great progress 
was made. Since the restoration of the Mikado to actual 
power, revised statutes have greatly decreased the list of 
capital punishments ; the condition of the prisons has been 
ameliorated; legal processes have been improved from the 
viewpoint of justice, and the use of torture to obtain testi- 
mony has been entirely abolished. Law schools were estab- 
lished, and to accused persons was given the assistance of 
counsel for their defence. By the year 1874 there had been 
a great change for the better in the diet, clothing, and hygienic 
protection of the people. In the year named, there were in 
the empire one government hospital and twenty-one hos- 
pitals assisted by government grants, twenty-nine private 
hospitals, 5,247 physicians practicing according to the prin- 
ciples and methods of Western science, and 5,205 apothe- 
caries. In 1875 there were 325 students in the medical col- 
leges at Tokio and Nagasaki, and some twenty-five foreign 
surgeons and physicians in the employ of the Japanese gov- 
ernment. Public decency was improved and the standards 
of Christendom approached. 

Religious persecution ceased. All the native Christians 
who had been exiled or imprisoned in 1868-69 were set free 
and restored to their villages. It should here be mentioned 
that, despite the efforts at extirpation, Christianity had main- 
tained itself secretly in the empire during the centuries suc- 
ceeding the abolishment of foreign intercourse. We note, 



JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 159 

finall}', that as early as 1876 the fulfillment of the promise 
made by the Mikado in 1868, that "intellect and learning 
should be sought for throughout the world," had been so far 
fulfilled that 400 foreigners from many Western countries had 
been invited to occupy posts in the government civil service. 

In 1870 there had been not ten Protestant Christians in 
the empire. By May, 1876, there were ten Protestant 
churches, with a membership of 800 souls. In March of the 
year just named, Prime Minister Sanjo issued a proclamation 
abolishing the custom of wearing two swords. This measure, 
which had been first advocated by Arinori Mori in 1870, now 
became law throughout the land. It was in August, 1876, 
that the commutation of the hereditary pensions and life 
incomes of the sumarai, which previously had been optional, 
was made compulsory. This act forced the privileged classes 
to begin to earn their bread. In the same month the empire 
was redivided and the 68 ken, or prefectures, were reduced 
in number to 35. 

It was to be expected that the progressive course of the 
Mikado's ministers would excite some disaffection, and there 
were during this year some insurrections on the part not only 
of discontented samurai, but also of the farmers on whom 
the burdens of taxation mainly fell. To redress the griev- 
ances of the latter class, in January, 1877, the national land 
tax was reduced from 3 to 2^ per cent., while the local tax, 
which had formerly amounted to one-third of the land tax, 
was cut down to one-fifth. About the same time the salaries 
of nearly all the government officers were diminished, several 
thousand office-holders were discharged, the Department of 
Revision and the Prefecture of Police were abolished, and 
their functions were transferred to the Home Department. 
An annual saving of about eight million dollars was thus 
effected, and the loss to the treasury from the curtailment 
of land taxation was made good. 



i6o JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 

In 1877, however, a great rebellion broke out in Sat- 
suma, instigated by Saigo Takamori, who had been formerly 
a marshal of the empire. After a contest of some months, 
the imperial authority was everywhere re-established, and 
Saigo, at his own request, was beheaded by one of his friends. 
This insurrection represented the final struggle between the 
forces of feudalism and misrule against those of order and 
unity. The contest cost Japan $50,000,000 and many thou- 
sands of lives. In the ultimate treatment of the rebels the gov- 
ernment displayed a spirit of leniency worthy of an enlight- 
ened state. Of upward of 38,000 persons tried in Kiushiu, 
only twenty were decapitated, about 1,800 were condemned 
to imprisonment, and some 36,000 were pardoned. During 
the same year, 1877, the cholera broke out in Japan, but, 
owing to the enforcement of sanitary measures, there were 
but 6,297 deaths. 

The Mikado had now been governing Japan for ten 
years by means of an irresponsible ministry. The oath 
which he had taken at Kioto in 1868 to form a deliberative 
assembly kad never been fully carried out. We have seen 
that the Kogisho, or advisory body, called into existence in 
1868, had been dissolved in the same year. Subsequently, in 
1875, a Senate had been established and an assembly of the 
ken governors, or prefects, held one session. The meetings 
of the latter body, however, were soon indefinitely post- 
poned. Nevertheless the era of personal government was 
drawing to a close. 

On July 22, 1878, a long step was taken toward repre- 
sentative institutions by an edict convoking provincial par- 
liaments or local assembHes which were to sit once a year 
in each ken or province. Under the supervision of the Min- 
ister of the Interior, these bodies were empowered to discuss 
questions of local taxation, and to petition the central gov- 
ernment on other matters of local interest. Though the 



JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO i6i 

franchise was granted to the people, it was hmited by both 
educational and property qualifications. Each voter had 
to prove his ability to read and write, and he must have paid 
an annual land tax of at least five dollars. In October, 1881, 
the Mikado announced by a proclamation that, in 1890, a 
Parliament would be established. In June, 1884, an edict 
was issued, readjusting the system of nobility. In the newly 
created orders of princes, marquises, counts, viscounts and 
barons, were observed the names of many men who had once 
belonged to the class of samurai, or gentry, but who had 
earned promotion by distinguished services on behalf of their 
country. Three hundred persons, that may be described 
as pertaining to the aristocracy of intellect, were thus ennobled 
on the score of merit. 

It was expected that out of these newly created nobles 
would be constituted the upper house, or Chamber of Nota- 
bles, in the Parliament which was to come into being in 
1890. In December, 1885, the triple premiership, the Privy 
Council and the ministries, as they had been hitherto estab- 
lished, came to an end. In their place was created a Cabinet 
at the head of which was a Minister-President. The old 
government boards, together with a new board, which was 
to supervise the post-office, telegraph and railway, were 
organized in such a way as to discharge many thousand office- 
holders. All the members of the new Cabinet were men of 
modern ideas, and such Asiatic features as the government 
had hitherto retained were now extinguished. 

By 1886 notable progress had been made in the applica- 
tions of steam, and electricity. Of railroads there were 
already 265 miles open, 271 miles in course of construction, 
and 543 miles contemplated. Although these lines were built 
and equipped on British models, most of the surveying, 
engineering and constructive work and all of the mechanical 
labor were performed by natives. The trains and engines 



i62 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 

were worked by Japanese ; such light ma terials as were made 
of wood and metal were manufactured in Japan, and only the 
heavy castings, the rails and the engines were brought from 
Great Britain. The telephone and the electric light were 
now seen in the large cities, and four cables connected the 
island empire with the Asiatic mainland. Already the Japan 
Mail Shipping Company employed a large fleet of steamships 
and sailing vessels in their coasting trade and passenger lines. 
We add that, in 1885, the Postal Department forwarded 
nearly 100,000,000 letters and packages. In financial affairs 
we may speak of the organization of the Bank of Japan, 
which has been a very important agent in sustaining the 
finances in equilibrium and maintaining a stable business 
condition. 

The Japanese had, for some time, recognized that educa- 
tion is the basis of progress, and that their efforts for intel- 
lectual advancement were seriously impeded by their use of 
the Chinese graphic system. They perceived that what they 
needed most of all was an alphabet. In 1884 the Roma-ji- 
Kai, or Roman Letter Association, was formed in Tokio, 
and within two years had 6,000 members, native and foreign. 
As their name implies, their purpose was to supplant the 
Chinese character and native syllabary by the Roman alpha- 
bet, as the vehicle of Japanese thought. It was demonstrated 
that all possible sounds and vocal combinations could be 
expressed by using twenty-two Roman letters. It was 
further proved that by means of the Roman alphabet a child 
could learn to read the colloquial and book language in one- 
tenth of the time formerly required. Scarcely was the Roman 
Letter Association under way than it printed a newspaper, 
edited text-books, and transliterated popular and classic 
texts in the appropriate characters of the Roman alphabet. 

By an imperial decree, issued in November, 1884, the 
English language was made part of the order of study in the 



JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 163 

common schools. Meanwhile the progress of Christianity 
acquired considerable momentum. Not only were many 
converts m.ade by Catholic missionaries, but by the end of 
1885 there were 200 Protestant churches, with a membership 
of over 13,000. In December, 1885, the Mikado's Cabinet 
was reorganized, and during the next four years Ito and 
Inouye were the principal molders of the national policy. In 
April, 1888, a new body called the Privy Council was created, 
of which Ito became president, while Kuroda filled the posi- 
tion of prime minister. In this body active debate upon the 
forthcoming Constitution began in May of the year last 
named and proceeded until February 11, 1889, when the 
long-awaited instrument was proclaimed. Exactly thirty- 
five years after the American treaty-ships appeared in sight 
of Idsu, the Mikado, Mutsuhito, took oath to maintain the 
government according to the Constitution, the documents 
defining which he, before an audience of nobles, officials and 
foreign envoys, handed to Kuroda, the principal Minister of 
State. On this occasion, for the first time in Japan's history, 
the emperor rode beside the empress in public. The one 
blot upon the record of the day was the assassination of the 
Minister of Education, Arinori Mori, by a Shintoist fanatic. 

Such were some of the remarkable stages of progress in 
the internal affairs of Japan, which were rapidly bringing 
that state into the circle of the most advanced nations. But 
while so many developments were taking place, alike in com- 
merce, manufactures, law, finance, military affairs, and 
political and governmental conditions, the relations of Japan 
as regarded the foreigners within her domain remained in a 
very unsatisfactory state. In the formation of treaties she 
had been dealt with much as a barbarian state, in which it 
was not safe to trust foreigners to the jurisdiction of the laws 
of the land, either as regarded commercial or personal affairs. 
As time went on, and the statesmen of Japan became familiar 



1 64 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 

with the institutions of Western civihzation, they began to 
perceive that they had been placed in a false position by the 
treaties made with the powers, and to insist on a more satis- 
factory jurisdiction over their home interests. 

Thus she was unable to exercise the least jurisdiction 
over the criminal foreigner in her midst, her customs system 
had been dictated to her by foreign treaties, and before she 
could make any change in these treaties she must procure 
the consent not only of the really great powers, but also of 
Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, Portugal, Denmark, Holland, 
Sweden, Hawaii, and Peru. Many of Japan's friends had 
urged her to "denounce" the treaties — to give formal notice 
that after a certain date she would no longer recognize their 
validity. This would have been strictly within her rights, 
for the American diplomatist who had dictated the words of 
the first modern treaty of a foreign power with Japan had 
expressed his regret that words he had inserted as giving 
to Japan the concession of revising her own treaties, had been 
distorted by other powers into the claim of a right on their 
part to interfere in this. And it would have been well within 
her ability, too, for it was known that several of the great 
treaty powers would not have dreamed of fighting for their 
treaties, and that in their absence the others would not have 
found it convenient to do so. 

But Japan adhered to the slower though less risky pro- 
cesses of negotiation. The result was that the conditions of 
1866 remained for many years unchanged. The Japan of 
feudalism was to Europe the Japan of modern times. Some 
two thousand five hundred strangers dwelt within her borders, 
and in order that the personal and commercial privileges of 
these might be safeguarded, Japan had no power over her 
own tariff and was compelled to tax her agricultural class 
excessively to provide a revenue ; she had no jurisdiction over 
a single foreigner; she was unable to tax the foreigners who 



JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 165 

prospered by her trade ; and while she had spent five milhon 
dollars in lighting and buoying her coasts, she could not make 
foreign ships pay either light, tonnage, or harbor dues. Yet 
by treaty she was entitled to shake off these trammels. Is 
it surprising that when the Japanese people gradually awoke 
^ to a realization of this fact, and the further one that foreigners 
were deliberately delaying any reform for the promotion of 
their own advantages, an anti-foreign spirit grew up and 
manifested itself in offensive ways? 

In 1882 Count Inouye proposed that Japan should be 
opened to foreign trade, in return for the abolition of con- 
sular jurisdiction, and that foreign judges should sit in a 
majority with Japanese judges when foreigners were tried by 
her new codes. This was rejected by the powers, Great Bri- 
tain leading the opposition. In 1 884 it was proposed to Japan 
that she should have a limited jurisdiction over foreigners in 
return for the opening of a few more "accessible ports" to 
trade. Her reply was of course that she desired to have 
complete jurisdiction and was prepared to open her whole 
country. 

In 1886 a conference of the sixteen treaty powers was 
held with Japan, and after a year's discussion it was solemnly 
proposed to Japan that she should set up an array of highly 
paid foreign judges, with a staff of foreign interpreters to 
render the evidence and their judgments from half a dozen 
foreign languages into Japanese and back, and that for fifteen 
years to come every change of every Japanese code should 
be "communicated" to every one of the sixteen powers — to 
Belgium, to Denmark, to Portugal, to Hawaii, to Peru! — for 
its approval. 

So anxious was Count Inouye to get the great question 

* settled that he even accepted these terms, but the moment 

they were understood in Japan a storm of public indignation 

sprang up and drove him from office. He was succeeded by 



i66 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 

Count Okuma, who approached the sixteen powers separately 
and proposed that the revised codes should be promulgated 
in English for two years before the abolition of consular 
jurisdiction, and that foreign judges should sit in a majority 
in all cases affecting foreigners. In return he would throw 
open Japan to foreign residence and trade. To these pro- 
posals the United States, Germany, Russia, and France 
agreed. Great Britain, unfortunately, still hung back. Again 
Japanese public opinion manifested the greatest hostility, 
and the natural demand was made that the question should 
be left for the decision of the Diet, which was just about to 
assemble for the first time. The Cabinet resigned in a body, 
^nd a fanatic lay in wait for Count Okuma at the gate of the 
Foreign Office, threw a dynamite bomb at him, shattering one 
of his legs, and then and there cut his own throat and fell 
dead. Public opinion was so charged with anger that every- 
body was expecting something dreadful to happen, and when 
the explosion was heard all present knew in a moment what 
it must be. 

Viscount Aoki succeeded Count Okuma as Minister for 
Foreign Affairs, and made new tentatives towards settling 
the treaty revision question, but in vain. An anti-foreign 
feeling had now taken deep root, and the watchword of all 
parties was, "A treaty on terms of absolute equality." And 
that is what eventually took place. Viscount Aoki was more 
fortunate as ambassador than as Foreign Minister, and he 
concluded with Great Britain a treaty which gave to Japan 
everything that she desired. Treaties with the United States, 
Germany, France, and Russia followed. Japan was to acquire 
complete judicial autonomy after a period of at least five 
years, when the treaty took effect, and it remained in force 
for a period of twelve years. A revised tariff was to go into 
operation a month after the exchange of ratifications, except 
for the "most favored nation" clause in the Japanese treaties 



JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 167 

with other powers; she would not, therefore, be able to avail 
herself of this until she had concluded similar treaties with 
them. 

On the expiration of the treaty with Great Britain — that 
is to say, seventeen years from the date of its signing in 1894 — 
Japan would come into possession of complete tariff autonomy 
also. During five years Japan agreed to issue passports, 
available for twelve months, to all accredited British subjects; 
and by the treaty the whole of Japan was thrown open to 
British trade, travel, and residence, and British siibjects were 
placed in every respect on a par with Japanese, with certain 
exceptions. On the one hand, they were exempted from 
compulsory military service and from any pecuniary burden 
in connection Vv4th it ; and on the other, they were not allowed 
to own land or to engage in the coasting trade, except between 
certain specified ports. Similar regulations governed inter- 
course with other parties making revised treaties. 

Everything except land might be owned in the interior, 
but that could only be acquired by lease, and according to 
the Japanese laws and customs these leases would probably 
be for thirty and fifty years. The prohibition of land-owning 
by foreigners will be seen, when looked at from the point of 
view of the Japanese, to be a reasonable measure of self -pro- 
tection. If wealthy foreigners were allowed to acquire by 
purchase vast tracts of land in Japan, it is easy to see how 
serious political and other difficulties might arise. Jajjanese 
capitalists could not enter into competition with the capitalists 
of Europe. By this treaty for the first time Japanese sub- 
jects are accorded in Great Britain the same rights and privi- 
leges as British subjects; this has hitherto been a matter 
of courtesy, and not of right. The same may be said con- 
cerning their position in other countries. 

The Japanese codes, as is well known, were drawn up 
by European experts and are equal, theoretically, to any 



1 68 JAPAN UNDER THE MIKADO 

criminal and civil codes in the world; and during the five 
years which were to elapse befoffe foreigners came tmder their 
operation the Japanese judges would have a further con- 
siderable experience in the administration of them. Con- 
sidering, moreover, that it was the very legitimate ambition 
of the Japanese so to act in all public matters as to be above 
the criticism of Western nations, there is no reason to fear 
that any miscarriage of justice towards foreigners will ensue. 
Through the operation of these new treaties Japan entered — 
first among Eastern countries — into the charmed circle of 
the great civilized powers, and the dearest wish of her heart 
was at length gratified. 




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CHAPTER XV. 

The Establishment of Constitutional 
Government in Japan 

First Election in Japan — The Mikado's Generous Act — The Charter Oath — Pio 
neers of ParHament— Local Self-Government — The Prefectural Assemblies 
— Government of Cities, Towns, and Villages — A Parliament Proclaimed — 
Japan is Given a Constitution — Popular Liberty Guaranteed — Electoral 
Regulations — The Privy Council and the Cabinet — The Parliament Meets — 
Its Members — The Clan Spirit — Frequent Dissolutions of Parliament — 
Changes of Cabinets — Parties Without Principles — A Hopefttl Legislative 
Outlook. 

IT is of interest to know that the first election ever held in 
Japan for a parliamentary government took place on 

July 4, 1890. The selection of July 4 may have been 
a curious coincidence, or it may have been chosen pur- 
posely in recognition of the great debt owed by Japan to the 
United States in opening the land of isolation to civilized 
influences. However that be, the fact is worth remembering. 

The event here referred to is one of extraordinary interest 
in every respect, indicating, as it does, the throwing off by 
Japan of the cloak of old absol^utism and the adoption of 
constitutional and parliamentary government. In the char- 
acter of this remarkable movement Japan stands alone among 
nations. The world's history presents no other instance of 
an autocrat voluntarily giving up his absolute power and 
calling into existence a Congress or Parliament for the govern- 
ment of his realm. Absolutism has given way in various 
nations, but it has been either through a revolution, like 
that of France, or a slow gaining of power by the people 
through persistent demand, as in England; never, in any 

169 



I70 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 

case we can recall, through the voluntary act of the sovereign 
himself. This fact renders the act of the Mikado of Japan 
highly notable, and one scarcely to be expected in a land 
so bound up in the trammels of old absolutism as that. 

There were, indeed, special reasons for this. Chief among 
these doubtless was the fact that at the time of the revolt 
against the Shogun the old Mikado died, and his son, a young 
man, came to the throne. Surrounded by active advisers 
who were seeking to regain for him the power so long lost, 
he was naturally grateful to them and strongly under their 
influence. On the other hand, the statesmen among them 
were, no doubt, deeply interested in the fact that the foreign 
nations with which Japan had recently come into contact 
possessed representative governments. Russia, the one autoc- 
racy among them, had not yet come nearly so much in con- 
tact with Japan as the United States, England, France, and 
Germany, in all of which popular government prevailed to a 
greater or less extent. To this we may justly impute the 
taking of the so-called "charter oath" by the Mikado in 
1868, on his restoration to power as the sole ruler of the 
empire. 

It is not likely that this oath was in any sense the result 
of coercion. Most probably it was a voluntary act on the 
part of the young ruler, though doubtless brought about 
largely by the influence and suggestions of the statesmen 
who surrounded him. At all events, it was a mere obliga- 
tion, since the solemnity of an oath has usually not weighed 
heavily on the conscience of emperors. The Mikado was 
in no positive sense obliged to carry it out, and in doing so 
he took a step of his own free will which gives him a special 
position in the ranks of absolute monarchs. 

It may be said here that the Emperor Mutsuhito was 
deliberate in carrying out his promise. He probably deemed 
it necessary to feel his way carefully towards so radical a 



CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 171 

change in the institutions of his country. The first step in 
this direction was taken as early as 1868, when an assembly 
of the representatives of the clans was called to meet in the 
capital. This was called the Shugi-in (House of Commons). 
It consisted of samurai (knights) from each clan ; and as they 
\ were appointed by each daimio (prince), the body was a 
purely feudal, and not at all a popular, assembly. In 1871 
a Senate was established; but this was merely an advisory 
body, consisting of officials appointed by the emperor and 
destitute of legislative power. In 1875 "t^^ emperor con- 
voked a council of the officers of the provincial governments 
with the following purpose: "We also call a council of the 
officials of our provinces, so that the feelings of the people may 
be made known and the public welfare attained. By these 
means we shall gradually confer upon the nation a consti- 
tutional form of government. The provincial officials are 
summoned as the representatives of the people in the various 
provinces, that they may express their opinion on behalf of 
the people." But a body so constituted could not satisfy 
the demands of the new age, and it was insisted upon that 
the government should "guarantee the establishment of a 
popular assembly." Associations were organized for popular 
agitation of this subject, and petitions and memorials poured 
in upon the government. 

In the meantime the people were being educated into 
the new ideas by the establishment of local self-government 
in their midst. This was not so radical or difficult a step 
as that of the formation of parliamentary institutions, since 
under the old feudal system local government by clans had 
existed throughout the empire. Yet the reconstruction of 
local government was carried on slowly and cautiously. 

After the fall of the Shogun, but before feudalism was 
abolished (1867 to 1871), the chiefs of the clans were allowed 
to continue their administration of local affairs. But on the 



1)2 Constitutional government in japan. 

abolition of feudalism these chiefs were retired on annuities, 
and outsiders were largely appointed to the position of gover- 
nor in the new local governments. A more radical step was 
taken in 1878, when there were established assemblies in the 
districts of the prefects, whose members were chosen through 
election by the people. Ten years after that a new law was 
enacted, under which local self-mvernment was extended 
from the prefectural districts to the cities, towns and villages. 
This law became operative in 1889. 

The prefectural assemblies in Japan have some resem- 
blance to an American State legislature, but do not have like 
independent power, since they are part of a centralized 
national administration. They are "to counsel about the 
budget of expenses to be met by local taxation, and about 
the manner of collecting such taxes." The members are 
elected according to the population, at the rate of one member 
for each 20,000 people. For every regular member two 
reserve members are also elected, to take the places of 
regular members who may for any reason be unable to serve. 
The term of service covers four years ; but half of the members 
retire every two years. Each member receives a salary of one 
yen per day during the session, and traveling expenses. 

The legislation done in this assembly is not final, since 
it needs to be ratified by the governor, or the Department of 
Home Affairs. It is thus kept under the control of the 
central government, and is more like an electoral board of 
advice than a legislature. 

But in practice the governor does not often put himself 
in opposition to public opinion, and the Department of Home 
Affairs is not likely to exercise authority unless it is felt to 
be absolutely necessary. The central government holds the 
power to control these assemblies, but it also respects public 
opinion and leaves them free to act independently as far as 
possible. 



CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 173 

In the extension of local government to municipalities 
certain new regulations were introduced. Distinction was 
made, for instance, between residents, who included " all 
those who have their residence in the city, town or village, 
without distinction of sex, age, color, nationality, or condi- 
tion in life, and citizens, each of whom must be '' an inde- 
pendent male person," that is, one who has completed his 
twenty -fifth year and has a household; he must be "a sub- 
ject of the empire and in the enjoyment of his civil rights;" 
must have been for two years a resident of a local division, 
and must have paid both local and national taxes. 

The citizen has privileges over the mere resident, these 
being the right to vote in local elections and to hold office. 
This right, however, may be taken away in certain circum 
stances. It is suspended in the case of those in actual mili- 
tary and naval service. Also, every citizen is obliged to 
accept any honorary office to which he may be elected or 
appointed, under penalty — unless he be excused for certain 
specified reasons — of suspension of citizenship and disfran- 
chisement for from three to six years. He is also subjected 
to a higher rate of tax. Citizenship in Japan is looked on 
more as a duty than as a privilege, and those who are suited 
to fill official positions do not find it easy to "keep out of 
politics." 

The administration of local affairs is more or less cen- 
tralized. In the cities it is conducted by a "city council," 
and in the towns and villages by certain chiefs and their 
deputies. A city council consists of a mayor, his deputy, 
and a certain number of honorary councilmen, the mayor 
being appointed directly by the emperor from among three 
candidates previously selected by the city assembly. The 
deputy-mayor and councilmen are elected by the city assem- 
bly. The councilmen hold office for four years, but half 
of them retire every two years. When the city is large it 



174 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 

may be divided into wards, each with its own chief and 
deputy and even its council and assembly. 

The city assembly is a body elected by the people, vary- 
ing in membership from thirty to sixty, the members being 
elected for six years, but part of them going out of office 
every two years. Like the councilmen, they are not paid 
for their services beyond their actual expenses. The assembly 
is the law-making body, and also controls financial and some 
other matters. 

It is important to bear in mind that these regulations 
for government by the people have emanated from the gov- 
ernment and not in response to any insistent demand from 
the citizens. In that strange country it is the ruling class 
that is progressive and ready to accept the best that foreign 
institutions have to offer. The people are conservative, 
and would be quite willing to rest under old conditions. 
They need to grow up to a comprehension of political privi- 
leges, and this renders it necessary to bestow these upon them 
gradually. 

We have mentioned the preliminary steps taken in the 
process of giving Japan a national representative assembly 
or Parliam^ent, including the feudal assembly of 1868, the 
Senate of 187 1, and the official council of 1875, ^-^^ ^^so the 
preparatory provincial assemblies. To all appearance the 
emperor was feeling his way towards the carrying out of the 
provisions of his "charter oath." The greatest step was 
taken on October 12, 1881, when his memorable proclama- 
tion was issued that a National Assembly would be called 
into existence in 1890. 

The next great step was taken in 1889. On February 
II of that year a Constitution was given to the people, a 
document which took Japan out of the line of despotic Oriental 
monarchies and placed her in advance of even the European 
countr}?- of Russia, as a constitutional monarchy. On April i 



CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 175 

of that year the law estabhshing municipal self-government 
also went into effect. 

The Constitution of Japan, the " Magna Charta of Japa- 
nese liberty, "as it has been called, was drawn up by Count 
Ito and other statesmen, who took the German Constitution 
for a model. In it the emperor liberally reserved rights for 
himself. He is spoken of as "sacred and inviolate," "the^^ 
head of the empire," retaining all the rights of sovereignty, 
but agreeing to "exercise them according to the provisions 
of the Constitution." He may issue "imperial ordinances in 
place of law," but only in case of urgent necessity and "when 
the Imperial Diet is not sitting," and these ordinances must 
be approved by the Diet at its next session, or will become 
invalid. 

Let us glance at some other of the features of Japan's 
fundamental organic law. The Constitution proper consists ' 
of sixty-six articles, but simultaneously with it two hundred 
and sixty-six expositionary laws were proclaimed. A Diet 
or Parliament was created to meet once a year, and to be 
opened, closed, prorogued, and dissolved by the emperor. 
Its debates were to be public. The Mikado's ministers may 
take seats and speak in either House, but are accountable, 
not to the Diet, but to the emperor alone. Bills raising 
revenue and appropriating the same require the consent of 
the Diet, but certain fixed expenditures, provided for by the 
Constitution, cannot be abolished or curtailed without the 
concurrence of the executive. To a large extent the power 
over the purse is thus withheld from the representatives of 
the people. The tenure of judges is for good behavior. 

The Upper House, or House of Peers, consists partly 
of hereditary, partly of elected, and partly of nominated 
members; the combined number, however, of the members 
of the two last-named classes is not to exceed that of those 
who hold heritable titles of nobility. The emperor has the 



176 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 

power of appointing a limited number of persons to life 
membership, for meritorious services to the state or for 
erudition. The House of Commons consists of several hun- 
dred members, who serve four years. For them there is a 
property qualification; they must pay annually national 
taxes to the amount of fifteen yen or dollars. Those who 
elect them must also pay national taxes to the same amount. 
Those persons who pay taxes to the amount of over five yen 
are entitled to vote for members of the local assembly. These 
numbered in 1887 about 1,500,000, whereas the electorate 
of the national House of Representatives numbered only 
about 300,000. We observe, lastly, that certain fundamental 
rights were guaranteed to the Japanese people. They have, 
for instance, the right of changing their domicile. Except 
according to law, they are not to be arrested, detained or 
punished. They are also to enjoy the right of freedom from 
search, the inviolability of letters, freedom of religious belief 
and the liberty of speech, petition, writing, publishing, asso- 
ciation and public meeting within the limits of laws to be 
laid down by the national Parliament. 

The threefold election — namely, for a fraction of the 
Upper House, for the whole of the national House of Repre- 
sentatives, and for the Jocal assembly — took place July 4, 
1890, as already stated. About eighty-five per cent, of 
eligible voters availed themselves of the franchise, and there 
was a great superfluity of candidates. It turned out at the 
ballot-box that to be in any way connected with government 
employment was to invite almost certain defeat, while on the 
other hand few of the old party leaders were chosen as stand- 
ard-bearers in the new Parliamentary field. 

In addition to the Parliament there is another body 
recognized in the Constitution as part of the government. 
This is the Privy Council, whose members are appointed 
by the emperor, and which he consults in certain exigencies. 



CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 17^ 

It is composed of "personages who have rendered signal 
service to the state and who are distinguished for their 
experience," including ex-Ministers of State and others 
likely to give valuable advice. It is concerned with the 
consideration of acts of Parliament, questions concerned 
with the interpretation of the Constitution, international 
treaties, and other matters specially called for. The exist- 
ing premier is a member ex officio of the Privy Council, of 
which it is said that it is "the emperor's highest resort of 
counsel, but shall not interfere with the executive." The 
Cabinet of the emperor consists of the premier, or Minister- 
President, and nine heads of departments: the Ministers of 
Foreign Affairs, Home Affairs, Finance, the Army, the Navy, 
Justice, Education, Agriculture and Commerce, and Com- 
munications. 

If we proceed now with the history of the new govern • 
ment of Japan, we find that it lay exposed in its early days 
to various uncomplimentary statements and remarks, to 
the effect that Japan was merely playing with representative 
institutions, that her constitutional government was a farce, 
etc. But such criticisms were made by people who did not 
take into consideration the fact that the Japanese were 
utterly unfamiliar with such methods of government, and 
that it is quite certain that if any Western nation had changed 
from absolutism to representation as suddenly, its handling 
of this new instrument of government would have been 
marked at first with similar imperfections. 

It must be borne in mind that the Parliament of Japan 
is still less than a score of years in age. Its first session was 
held on November 29, 1890, its first bill was presented on 
December 2, and its earliest budget, that for 1891, was 
laid before the House of Representatives on December 4. 
Its members were utterly new to their duties, and many of 
them doubtless infected with a false idea of their importance. 



178 CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 

In consequence, Parliament has been frequently dissolved. 
Antagonism between the Houses and the various Cabinets 
has arisen almost constantly, the Cabinet controlling an 
important majority at no time except during the patriotic 
excitement of the Chinese War. 

To understand the state of affairs we may say m the 
first place that, though the Japanese are divided into three 
distinct classes, the aristocracy (composed of the ancient 
daimios and court nobles, and the new-created nobles), the 
shizoku or middle class (the ancient samurai), and the heimin, 
or commoners, the Constitution makes no distinction between 
and grants no special privileges to any of these, except that 
the nobility predominate in the Chamber of Peers. Socially 
also there is little exclusiveness, and the aristocracy may be 
found in every place of public resort, mingling freely with 
the rest of the people. Many of the old daimios, indeed, 
are now very poor, and are not specially proud. Although 
the highest positions in the government are open to all, they 
have hitherto alv/ays remained in the hands of the samurai, 
and the country is governed by members of this very numer- 
ous and intelligent class of gentry. All the successive min- 
isters, the majority of whom have been ennobled, have 
sprung from its ranks. The same may be said of all the high 
officials, and of the majority of the smaller employes of the 
government, even down to the very police agents and the 
vast majority of the military and naval officers. This is 
not surprising when we remember that the samurai consti- 
tuted before the restoration not only the military, but also 
the student and literary class. 

"The only marked feature of the former regime which 
still survives the many social changes that have recently 
taken place in Japan is the clan spirit, which is as strong 
to-day as ever. The bond which tmited the followers of a 
former feudal prince among themselves still subsists, although 



CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 179 

the prince himself may have fallen almiost to the level of his 
clansmen. The men who have tip to the present governed 
modern Japan have always belonged to southern clans, 
especially to those of Choshiu and Satsuma; the two others, 
Hizen and Tosa, are less united, and although certain impor- 
tant political personages are of their number, they have had 
to fight their way to the front rather by dint of hard work 
than through any clan influence. The influential combina- 
tion formed by the first-named clans, and unitedly known 
as the Sat-Cho, holds in its hands the reins of administration, 
rules the army, and makes its influence felt. even more strongly 
in the navy. Although according to the Constitution, analo- 
gous to that of Prussia, the ministers are not responsible to 
the Chambers, but to the emperor alone, and although the 
budget of the current year, if the finance bill is not voted in 
due time, becomes by law that of the following year also, 
the irreconcilable opposition which manifested itself from 
the beginning greatly embarrassed the first Matsukata min- 
istry in 1 89 1 and 1892, and the Ito ministry which succeeded 
it. This latter, whose plans for the extension of the navy 
were obstinately rejected by the Chamber, twice dissolved 
it: in December, 1893, and again in May, 1894. After the war 
patriotic feeling ran so high that people cared very little about 
the government and its measures, and projected laws were 
adopted without the least opposition ; but when affairs began 
to settle down it was otherwise. In 1897 and 1898 there were 
two dissolutions, and in the latter year the ministry in power 
was the ninth since December, 1885, and the seventh since the 
establishment of the Parliamentary system. This gives an 
average of about two years for each Cabinet, and even less 
for the Chamber, of which not one has yet attained its legal 
term."* 

As examples of Parliamentary proceeding in Japan we 

* " The Awakening of the East," by Henry Norman. 



i8o CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 

may offer the following statements. In December, 1897, 
there was a Parliamentary crisis in which the Cabinet, con- 
vinced that the majority was opposed to it, and governed by 
the disdain of the Lower Chamber often manifested by it, 
determined to avoid an appearance of dependence on that 
body, but declared it dissolved and offered their own resig- 
nation to the emperor, whom alone they considered their 
superior. 

On December 24th the emperor came to read the usual 
speech from the throne before the two Chambers, which 
offered demonstrations of respect and loyalty as usual. But 
on the next day, after the preliminary proceedings, the doyen 
of the House offered the following resolution: "That the 
Chamber of Deputies declares it has no confidence in the 
present ministry." He was checked at this point by the 
president, who read from a folded paper that had just been 
handed him an imperial mandate saying, " In virtue of 
Article 3 of the Imperial Constitution, we hereby ordain that 
the Chamber of Deputies be dissolved forthwith." The 
House rose after a session of only seven minutes, and at the 
same time the House of Peers was prorogued. 

The resignation of Premier Matsukata and his colleagues 
in the ministry quickly followed, and the Marquis Ito was 
called upon to form another Cabinet, which he undertook 
reluctantly, in view of the serious questions then confronting 
the government, and accomplished with considerable diffi- 
culty. The new Cabinet lasted but a few months, and then 
was replaced by another under the presidency of Count 
Okuma. This, in its turn, was short-lived, and before the 
end of 1898 still another Cabinet came into existence under 
Marshal Yamagata. These instances will serve to show the 
difficulties with which the statesmen of Japan had to grapple 
in the earlier years of the new type of government. 

There existed, in fact, nothing that could justly be called 



CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN i8i 

party government, though there was a Hvely show of so-called 
parties, these being formed of groups of persons with special 
interests. They have no defined programmes, but constantly 
change their views, and are mere cliques surrounding one or 
more influential politicians. In the Parliament which was 
dissolved in 1897 by Count Matsukata the most important 
of these groups was that of the "Progressives," including 
some 90 to 95 members out of 300 ; then came the " Liberals," 
with about 80 adherents; then the "National Unionists," 25 
to 30; and, lastly, some twenty other subdivisions, besides 
the "Independents." The Progressives were more con- 
sistent, possibly because they had been in existence only 
since 1896. The Liberals, although the oldest group, had 
almost completely lost their influence and cohesion. 

But it is, nevertheless, true that "Japan is at length 
passing out of the epoch of persons and entering the era of 
principles," in which must speedily come the development of 
parties. It is not, perhaps, strange that the personality of 
the great statesmen to whom New Japan owed its existence 
should have been felt for so long a time, nor that the able men 
of the rising generation began to chafe under the long control 
of the older statesmen. . But, as the Japan Times says, " the 
conflict between the old and the new elements of political 
power, the so-called clan statesmen and the party politicians, 
has been so far removed that the time is already in sight 
when the country will see them working harmoniously under 
the same banner and with the same platform." The problem 
of political parties based on national principles is the one 
next to be solved in Japan. 

To quote from the Japan Mail, " It would be altogether 
extravagant to expect that Japan's new constitutional gar- 
ments should fit her perfectly from the first. They are too 
large for her. She has to grow into them, and of course the pro- 
cess is destined to be more or less awkward. " Marquis Ito, the 



1^2 CONSriTUTiONAL GOVERNMENT IN JAPAN 

author of the Constitution, justly says that " excellent results 
have been obtained, when it is remembered how sudden has 
been the transition from feudalism to representative insti- 
tutions." When the Constitution was promulgated, Japan 
was only eighteen years out of feudalism and twenty-one 
years out of military despotism, and should be given, there- 
fore, great credit for her progress in the early era of consti- 
tutionalism. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

The Wonderful Progress of Japan 

Japan's Power of Adaptation — Bismarck and the Emperor of Japan — The States- 
men of the Empire — ^Japanese Commercial Progress — Exports from the 
Empire — The Rapidity of Industrial Development — The Small and the Large 
Industries— Important New Manufactures — Cotton and Silk Production — 
Mining Progress — Articles of Commerce — Interesting Facts — Trade Unions 
and Guilds — Yokohama and Tokio — European Dress — Modes ■ of Travel — 
Railway Development — The Army and Navy — A Summing up of Progress — 
Count Okuma's Opinion — Asia for the Asiatics. 

THE island empire of Japan, a nation the people of which 
are closely allied in race to those of China, has of late 
years displayed a progressiveness and a readiness to 
avail itself of the resources of modern civilization which 
are strikingly diverse from the obstinate conservatism of 
its densely settled neighbor. The' development of Japan 
has taken place within the past half century. Previous to 
that time it was as resistant to Western influences as China. 
They were both closed nations, prohibiting the entrance of 
modern ideas and peoples, proud of their own form of civili- 
zation and their own institutions, and sternly resolved to 
keep out the disturbing influences of the restless West. As 
a result, they remained locked against the new civilization 
until after the nineteenth century was well advanced, and 
China's disposition to avail itself of the results of modern 
invention was not manifested until the century was near 
its end. This was far from the case with Japan, which was 
remarkably quick to appreciate the advantage of Western 
methods, and surprisingly ready to throw overboard her 
cargo of obsolete ideas and avail herself in every way of the 

183 



1^4 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 

industrial and commercial developments brought before her 
vision. 

Kossuth is reported to have said that the two most 
wonderful men in the world were Prince Bismarck and the 
Emperor of Japan. The death of Bismarck would leave 
the Emperor Mutsuhito alone in this category. As regards 
the emperor, however, such an estimate seems unjust to the 
active-minded statesmen by whom he has been surrounded 
and who doubtless have been the vital agents in Japan's 
great reforms. It was due to them that, as a young man, 
the emperor was induced to promise a constitutional govern- 
ment, a promise which he has honorably and wisely kept. 
And there can be no question but that they have been the 
moving agents in the great progress in the civil and military 
affairs of the empire. Yet if these men have made the balls, 
the emperor has displayed a remarkable readiness to throw 
them, and should be given every credit for his quickness of 
insight and breadth of view. And while he and his coun- 
selors have set Japan swiftly upon the highway of progress 
in all things relating to the administration and defence of 
the empire, the business class of the country have shown 
an equal readiness to avail themselves of the best the West 
has to offer, and to swing Japan broadly into the current of 
modern industrial and commercial ideas. It is our purpose 
here to consider this branch of Japanese progress. 

So rapid and important has this been that already the 
manufacturers and merchants of Japan are driving Western 
producers, to a marked extent, out of the markets of the 
East, and those versed in the subject predict the rapid develop- 
ment of this process. The circumstances under which the 
war with China almost produced a commercial crisis in Japan, 
bear striking testimony to the growth of Japanese manu- 
facturing interests. In 1893 there were about a quarter of a 
million cotton-spindles in Japan; four years later there were 



THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 1S5 

over half a million. Yet when the war came the banks with- 
drew a good deal of their credit from the cotton-spinning 
companies, which found themselves threatened with ruin at a 
moment when their trade afforded the most legitimate justi- 
fication for extension. Under these circumstances a panic 
was only averted by the promise of the government to give 
assistance. In 1875 there was no cotton-spinning in Japan, 
as in that year the first European machines, of small capacity, 
were introduced. The following table, compiled by a Japa- 
nese economist, shows the very rapid rate of progress for 
a number of years, with the inevitable corresponding decline 
of imports : 

National Production Foreign Imports 

in Japanese lbs. in English lbs. 

1888 956,804 47,439,639 

1889 20,952,687 42,810,912 

1890 32,217,456 31,908,302 

1891 45,306,444 17,337,600 

1892 64,046,925 24,308,491 

It was not only in cotton, however, that the Japanese 
came favorably into competition with Western nations. 
Yokohama, for instance, early established a watch factory, 
run by engines of one hundred horse-power, and equipped 
with the finest watch-making machinery which America 
could furnish. A like spirit of enterprise was shown in 
match-making, in which the manufacturers of Japan soon 
drove out all competitors from the East by the cheapness 
and abundance of their product. Ten years ago Japan was 
sending as many as five million gross of matches annually 
to Hong-Kong alone, her clocks were driving out those of the 
United States, and her cotton goods were making their way 
as far as the Straits. Five hundred dozen undershirts were 
sent to Singapore in one consignment. 

About that time Mr. Brennan, a British consular official 



1 86 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 

at Macao, wrote: "The articles from Japan at present con- 
sist of curios, cotton cloths, blankets, flannels, hosiery, soaps, 
lamps, tea-kettles, matches, hats, umbrellas, Gladstone bags, 
silks, and such like. To give an idea of the cheapness, I 
may say that umbrellas of European pattern cost 30 cents 
to I dol. (iid. to 2S. 2d.), and cotton crapes i dol. to i dol. 
20 cents a piece of 20 yards, that is 2s. 2d. to 2s. yd. These 
are of fine texture and nice appearance, so that they are much 
appreciated by Chinese and Europeans, and worn as dresses 
and shirts. Indeed, the competition of Japanese goods is sure 
to become keener in course of time." At Tamsui, Japanese 
toweling took the place of former importations, and the 
import of Japanese cottons in 1893 was 20 per cent, greater 
than in 1892. The export of matting from Japan in 1893 
was double that of 1892. At New-chwang, Japanese flannel, 
blankets, brass buttons, lamps, umbrellas, pictures and mir- 
rors had become important items, and at Ningpo, hundreds 
of hand-gins of Japanese make had been imported. In 
Korea, Japan was competing with growing success with 
European and American goods, this being manifested espe- 
cially in Fusan, in whose shops could be seen Japanese imita- 
tions of nearly all varieties of Western goods and wares, 
from piece goods downwards. Besides these there were for- 
eign-style suits, underclothing and hose, felt and straw hats, 
household furniture and culinary utensils, carpets, glassware, 
chinaware, lamps and fittings, soaps, scents, tinned pro- 
visions (fish, meat and vegetables), wines and beer, farming 
implements, etc., mostly made in Osaka and selling at prices 
very much cheaper than those of Western manufacture. 

Such was the state of Japanese manufacturing and 
commercial enterprise ten years ago, and only forty years 
after Commodore Perry's appearance in the Bay of Yedo. 
Nearly twenty years of this time were years of revolution, 
in which the old government of the feudal princes was being 



THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 187 

overthrown and the long-obsolete supremacy of the Mikado 
being restored. New political ideas were penetrating the 
minds of the people, civil war was abroad in the land, and 
the old hostility to foreigners was slowly being overcome. 
It was not until this state of affairs had passed and the coun- 
try had settled down again under its new regime that a liberal 
welcome could be given to foreign industrial ideas, so that 
it may be held that the progress of Japan in this direction, 
great as it has been, is the product of the last quarter of a 
century. To emerge from mediaeval ideas and methods 
into full acceptance and employment of modern methods 
alike in industry and government in this brief period is a 
phenomenon of which it would not be easy to find a similar 
instance in the history of the world. 

In fact, so far as manufactures are concerned, it is not 
so long as this. As late as 1880 nearly all the minor trades 
of the country were divided up into numerous small and 
widely scattered workshops, in the old fashion, the only manu- 
factures of greater pretension being a few large silk factories 
in the more important towns, some paper factories at Kioto, 
and a number of distilleries for the making of sake, or rice 
wine. But there were not many of these and they employed 
few hands. Among the earliest of the industries founded 
on a large scale was that of cotton-spinning, established in 
Osaka in 1882, and the true era of the new industrial develop- 
ment may be held to begin with that date. 

The growth of the larger industries has not driven 
out the smaller ones which deal with articles peculiar to 
Japan, and which have a monopoly they are likely long to 
retain, such as of toys in great variety, Japanese household 
articles, paper fans, umbrellas of Eastern pattern, boxes, 
screens and knicknacks innumerable. This is fortunate for 
the farmers, who usually hold very small tracts of ground, 
and have much leisure time which they can profitably employ 



i88 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 

at home in the makmg of what are known as "Japanese 
fancy goods," and which find a ready market all over the 
world. Nearly all the art industries of the country are of 
this individual character, but side by side with the small 
workshop every city now displays its tall chimneys, vomit- 
ing forth smoke in attestation of the ambitious production 
going on actively within. At night the horizon around 
Osaka is bright with the ruddy glow from the cotton and 
other factories, and not far from the walls of the old castle 
of Osaka stands the national arsenal, where the Japanese of 
to-day make all the cannon and small arms necessary for 
their army. Close by this is the large and handsome mint, 
one of the finest establishments for the making of coin in the 
world. 

The fathers of most of the people engaged in these 
industries did not know that any such branches of manu- 
facture existed. The Japanese, for instance, had no con- 
ception of the art of glass-blowing until of late years. Yet 
now there are several important glass factories doing an 
excellent business at Osaka, glass being now much needed 
on account of the common use of petroleum lamps. Many 
people also are beginning to use glass in place of the paper 
screens which so long served the Japanese as windows. 
There are breweries in various parts of the country, and 
admirable beer is being produced, which is largely exported, 
going as far as Vladivostok and vSingapore. Brushes of every 
description are manufactured in Japan, and exported in great 
quantities to the United States. The pigs' bristles and bones 
used in these have to be imported, for the reason that the 
porcine animal producing them is very little known in Japan. 

Other recent industries which may be mentioned are 
iron foundries, copper and tin works, ship-yards, and jute 
carpet works, the latter producing in great quantity cheap 
and pretty carpets, which are exported to the United States 



THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 189 

and elsewhere. Their great cheapness, lasting qualities and 
attractive patterns have made them widely popular. Of the 
various industries, however, the most important as yet are 
those of cotton-spinning and match-making. 

Japan raised a great deal of cotton, though by no means 
enough for the needs of her factories, and has to import 
large quantities from America and India; cotton being the 
principal material used in the clothes of the common people, 
who cannot afford silk robes. Formerly all the yam was 
spun by hand; but Japan had 76 cotton- mills in 1900, some 
of them large and employing many hands. She has now 
more than 200 mills, with nearly 1,000,000 spindles. The 
silk industry is also very important, not alone for home use, 
but for foreign trade. The silk is exported largely in its 
raw state, but is also manufactured for export into handker- 
chiefs and other goods. The silk exports for 1898 amounted 
to $31,000,000, and are on the increase. Something should 
be said here also of the mining industry, which is of growing 
importance, Japan being rich in mineral resources. The 
most important of her mineral products is coal, of which 
there is a surplus for export. Copper, silver, sulphur and 
antimony are also largely found. Iron, gold, tin, lead, salt 
and other minerals are less abundant. Petroleum is one of the 
important earth-products, though not nearly sufficient to 
supply the large home demand, considerable quantities being 
imported. The coal mines yield nearly 1,000,000 tons yearly, 
the supply being of fine quality and apparently inexhaustible. 

The foreign commerce of Japan has for years shown a 
marked ratio of increase. In 1896 it amounted to $145,000,- 
oco. In 1903 it was $313,000,000, showing an increase of 
more than 100 per cent, in seven years. The purchases 
from the United States in the last-named year amounted 
to $21,000,000. 

The imports were formerly largely in excess of the 



iQo THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 

exports, the excess amounting to $55,000,000 in 1898. But 
in 1 90 1, three years later, this had been reduced to about 
v$ 1, 7 50, 000, the rapid growth of exports bringing about this 
marked change. The chief articles of export are silk (either 
raw, or partly or wholly manufactured), cotton yam and 
goods, matches, coal, high-grade rice, copper, camphor, 
tea, matting, straw braid, and porcelain. The principal 
imports are raw cotton, shirting and printed cotton, muslin, 
wool, cotton velvet, satin, cheap rice, flour, sugar, petroleum, 
oil cake, peas and beans, machinery, iron and steel (including 
nails and rails), steamers, locomotives, and railway carriages. 
The United States, Great Britain arid her colonies, France 
and China are the chief countries to which exports are sent, 
while imports are received mainly from the same countries 
and from Germany. 

Other facts of interest in connection with the progress 
of Japan are those concerning the postal system and the 
schools. There are in the empire 4,852 post-offices, or one 
for every 9,700 people, a ratio considerably above that of 
Russia. The elementary schools have 4,302,625 pupils, or 
nearly one hundred for every thousand persons in the country. 
In this Japan greatly surpasses Russia, which has about the 
same number of pupils for a population nearly three times 
as large. A similar disproportion exists in secondary schools 
and universities. Another fact not unworthy of mention 
here is that the total area of Japan is about equal to that of 
the State of Montana, while her population is more than 
half that of the whole United States. It is fortunate for 
the people that their food production is large and their appe- 
tite small, or their diminutive country could not support its 
population. As it is, there is a fair quantity of food raised 
for export, in addition to that needed for the people. 

While Japan has been so actively introducing the profit- 
able industrial systems of the West, it has brought in some 



THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 191 

Western ideas whose desirability some may question. These 
are the institutions of the guild, the trade union, and the 
strike. Feudal Japan had its guilds, but these institutions 
are run now on modern lines. One of the oldest and strongest 
of them is that of the dock coolies, who are so compactly 
organized that they have almost an absolute monopoly, 
their strikes being always successful. Other guilds are those 
of the sawyers, the plasterers, the stonemasons, the brick- 
layers, the carpenters, the barbers, the wrestlers, the actors, 
and even the gamblers and the pickpockets. The more mod- 
ern labor unions include the iron-workers, the ship-carpen- 
ters, the railway engineers, the railway workmen, the printers, 
and the European-style cooks. Of these the dock coolies, 
the railway laborers, and the railway engineers have become 
masters of the situation. 

The organization of these modern unions is due largely 
to the efforts of a young man named Sen Katayama, who is 
the champion of the rights of the laboring man in Japan. He 
spent ten years in America and made a special study of social 
problems, and has introduced a model of the London Kingsley 
Hall, as a social settlement in the heart of Tokio. He edits 
the Labor World, the organ of the working classes. 

Yokohama, where Perry obtained his treaty, was at 
that time a miserable little fishing village containing about 
a hundred houses. In 1858 it was opened to foreign com- 
merce, in place of Shimoda, and is now a town of 170,000 
inhabitants, and the third largest port in the Far East, being 
surpassed only by Hong-Kong and Shanghai. The European 
quarter is full of fine houses, surrounded by charming gardens. 
There are settled here several thousand foreigners of various 
nationalities, exclusive of Chinese. The port is spacious and 
commodious, and the largest ships can anchor close up to 
the quay. 

The former Yedo, now Tokio, the capital of Japan, is the 



192 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 

largest town in Asia, and the ninth in the world, having in 
1900 a population of 1,507,557. It is spread over a space 
much larger than that occupied by Paris, the cause of its 
great size being that everybody lives in his own house, which 
is never more than one story high, and nearly every house 
has its little garden. It has also a great many open spaces, 
where formerly stood the palaces of the daimios. On the 
site of several of them great public buildings have been 
erected after the European fashion, among which are the 
palaces of the various ministries, and also the Parliament 
House; but many of them are still waiting to be utilized. 
The old rampart surrounding the immense park of the impe- 
rial palace is used as a public promenade; and as you walk 
along it and look toward the palace, it is difficult to believe 
that you are in Japan, everything is so very European. The 
waste land contains a perfect forest of telegraph and telephone 
poles; telephones, telegraph, electric light, gas, petroleum 
lamps, etc., being as plentifully used in Tokio as they are 
in any English or American town. It is most interesting to 
notice, as you pass along the streets, artisans working in 
their houses by the light of an Edison lamp. When they 
cannot afford electricity or gas, they use petroleum exclu- 
sively. 

European dress is also used to a considerable extent, 
officials in particular wearing the costume of the West, 
though there is a tendency to revert to the native costume. 
This is strongly displayed by the ladies, who have largely 
laid aside the Parisian styles which they at first enthusias- 
tically adopted, and returned to the native dress. But 
English hats of different kinds and German caps are worn 
by men of every class of society. For traveling purposes 
the old palanquin has almost disappeared, being replaced 
by the jinrikisha, a vehicle of American invention, but now 
very widely used in the Far East. It has two very tall wheels 



THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 193 

and seating-room usually for one person, and is drawn by 
man-power, the native runners being remarkable for the 
speed with which they can pull these vehicles and the distance 
they can make without rest. 

For more distant travel the Western methods have come 
generally into use, including the stage, the horse-car, the 
railroad, and the electric railway, and also the bicycle and 
the automobile. Japan has at present over 3,000 miles of 
railroad line, and 1,200 more are said to be greatly needed. 
The large island of Hondo has a continuous line from the 
extreme north to the extreme south, and after crossing the 
strait, Kiu-siu is traversed by a line running south to Naga- 
saki and to Numamoto. In Yesso is a short line built by 
American engineers, but all the others follow the British 
methods. The government owns most of the railways. 
Railway speed rarely exceeds twenty or twenty-five miles 
an hour, though some express trains make thirty or more 
miles, the people being as yet content with these rates 
of speed. Telegraphs accompany the lines and extend else- 
where, and in 1901 over 16,000,000 telegrams were sent, a 
number which is increasing rapidly each year. The railways 
are run with native labor exclusively, and everything neces- 
sary for the construction and equipment of the roads, except 
locomotives, can be built in the empire. 

A postal system on the American model was introduced 
in 1872, and five years later Japan became a member of the 
International Postal Union. In some respects the system 
has grown to excel its model, and is one of the best in the 
world. Letter postage is 3 sen (i|- cents) within the empire, 
and 10 sen to all countries of the Postal Union. 

If we come now to consider the military system of Japan — 
a topic of special interest in connection with the Russian 
war — ^it must be said that progress in this direction has quite 
equaled that in the other directions named. The ancient 

13 



194 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 

arms and methods have been utterly discarded and the 
army and navy of the empire have been remodeled after 
the most approved modem system. 

The Japanese army and navy are created and sustained 
by a conscription system like that of Germany. Theoreti- 
cally, " all males between the full ages of seventeen and forty 
years, who are Japanese subjects, shall be liable to conscrip 
tion." The period of service is divided up as follows: (i) 
Active service with the colors, for three years in the army and 
four years in the navy, by those who have " attained the full 
age of twenty years ; " so that those who are between seven- 
teen and twenty are apparently exempt except "in time of 
war or other emergency;" (2) First Reserve term, of four 
years in the army and three years in the navy, "by such as 
have completed their service with the colors;" (3) Second 
Reserve term of five years, "by those who have completed 
their service in the First Reserves;" and (4) Service in the 
Territorial Army for the remaining years by those who have 
completed the preceding term. The ordinary service in 
barracks is only three years, the Reserves and the Territorial 
Army being obliged to appear for drill only once a year, 
though liable to be called out in time of war or of emergency. 

The war-footing of the Japanese army exceeds 500,000 
men, and its peace-footing is almost 200,000: these figures 
take account only of combatants. Its discipline, courage^ 
and endurance have been clearly exhibited side by side with 
the troops of Western nations in China, and the army has 
been called "the most formidable mobile land force in the 
Far East, indeed in the whole of Asia," and "the best army 
in the world, for its size." 

The guns for the artillery service used to be purchased 
abroad, but are now chiefly manufactured in Osaka. There 
is an arsenal in Tokio where the once famous Murata rifle 
was manufactured; but that has been superseded by the 



THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 195 

"30th Year" rifle; both of these being Japanese inventions. 
The arsenal also turns out ammunition at the ordinary rate 
of a million rounds a day. 

As Japan is entirely an insular nation, the importance 
of her navy cannot be overestimated. Even before the war 
with China, this had been rapidly growing; and it showed 
its marked efficiency in the battles of the Yalu and Wei- 
hai-wei. The subsequent plans for expansion have empha- 
sized the value to Japan of sea-power; and the programme 
of naval expansion has met comparatively little opposition. 
For purposes of administration, the coast of Japan is divided 
into five naval d^'stricts, each with one fort which is a first- 
class naval station. These stations are Yokosuka, Kure, 
Sasebo, Maizuru, and Muroran. The strength of the navy 
is given in another chapter. Its efficiency has been remark- 
ably shown in the opening of the war with Russia. 

To sum up some of the facts given in this chapter, we may 
fil^ly do so in the words of Mr. John Barrett, a leading authority 
on the politics and trade of the Far East : — 

"Japan has astonished the world by her marvelous 
strides to an acknowledged position among the first powers 
of the earth. Her development during the last half century 
is, in some respects, more remarkable than that of the United 
States. Fifty years ago, when Commodore Perry rapped 
somewhat roughly at her gates, she was, in material progress, 
governmental administration, and educational development, 
little beyond where she stood a thousand years before. Now 
her snug little realm is traversed with railways and spotted 
with manifold industries, her political system comipares 
favorably with the monarchies of Europe, and her colleges 
and schools are graduating hosts of young men fitted for 
every position of responsibility. Her foreign commerce has 
expanded in thirty years from $30,000,000 to $300,000,000 
per annum. This is an increase of 1,000 per cent, per annum, 



196 THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 

a record unrivaled by any other country in the rame time 
or under similar conditions. Starting with no merchant 
marine, she now has her cargo and passenger steamers run- 
ning to all parts of the globe in successful competition with 
the fleets of the older and richer nations. With no modem 
war vessels twenty years ago, she now has a navy ranking 
next to our own in effectiveness. With an army a few 
decades past that was barbaric in equipment, she possesses 
to-day a trained armed force that, in comparison to her 
area and population, is second to none." 

It is not surprising that, after so brilliant a display of 
the facility to assimilate foreign ideas and in certain respects 
the ability to improve on them, the Japanese should have 
become somewhat vain of their powers, and we can readily 
understand the exaggerated display of self-confidence and 
ambition shown in the following extract from a speech by 
Count Okuma, ex-Minister for Foreign Affairs: — 

"The European powers are already showing symptoms 
of decay, and the next century will see their constitutions 
shattered and their empires in ruins. Even if this should 
not quite happen, their resources will have become exhausted 
in unsuccessful attempts at colonization. Therefore who 
is fit to be their proper successors if not ourselves? What 
nation except Germany, France, Russia, Austria, and Italy 
can put 200,000 men into the field inside of a month? As 
to their finance, there is no country where the disposal of 
surplus revenue gives rise to so much political discussion. 
As to intellectual power, the Japanese mind is in every way 
equal to the European mind. More than this, have not the 
Japanese opened a way to the perfection of a discovery in 
which foreigners have not succeeded even after years of labor ? 
Our people astonish even the French, who are the most skilful 
among artisans, by the cleverness of their work. It is true 
the Japanese are small of stature, but the superiority of the 



THE WONDERFUL PROGRESS OF JAPAN 197 

body depends more on its constitution than on its size. If 
treaty revision were completed, and Japan completely victo- 
rious over China, we should become one of the chief powers of 
the world, and no power could engage in any movement 
without first consulting us. Japan could then enter into 
competition with Europe as the representative of the Oriental 
races." 

This seems like drawing the long-bow rather too strongly, 
but it is of interest as pointing the way in which Japanese 
ambition tends. It is quite possible that "Asia for the 
Asiatics" may be a future rallying cry of the Far East, and 
Japan rival the United States as the promulgator of a " Mon- 
roe Doctrine," like that so vigorously applied to American 
continental questions of national concern. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

The War Between Japan and China 

Japan's Jealous Eye on Korea and the Islands — The Acquisition of Loo Choo— 
Formosa and Saghalien — The Empress Jingu Conquers Korea — Tribute to 
Japan — A Second Invasion of Korea — The Hermit Kingdom — Korea Opened 
to the World — Japan and China in Korea — Rebellion of the Tong Haks — 
The Empress of China Decides for War — The Sinking of the Kowshing — 
The Battle of the Yalu— The Capture of Port Arthur— The Forts and Fleet 
at Wei-hai-wei Taken by the Japanese— Admiral Ting Commits Suicide — 
What Japan Gained from the War — A Partial Partition of China. 

FOR centuries past Japan has kept a jealous eye upon 
the islands of the Pacific in its vicinity, and still more 
on the important peninsula of Korea, the nearest 
portion of the mainland. This country, inhabited by a 
semi-barbarian people, quite incapable, as it seems, of main- 
taining themselves against their powerful neighbors, has 
long been a bone of contention between Japan and China, 
and owes its degree of independence more to the jealous 
rivalry of these empires than to any inherent strength or 
national spirit of its own. It is the final result of this rivalry, 
in the war of 1894-95, with which we are at present concerned. 
The relations between Japan and China have been 
severely strained on several occasions in the past in regard 
to the ownership of neighboring lands. Such was the case 
with the little island kingdom Riu Kiu, or Loo Choo, a group 
strung out like a long thread between Japan and Formosa. 
For many centuries these islanders sent tribute to both 
China and Japan. Toward the close of the sixteenth century 
Hideyoshi demanded that they should pay tribute to Japan 
alone, but he nevtr enforced his demands. In 1609 lyehisa, 



THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 199 

the Daimio of Satsuma, conquered the islands and made 
their chiefs swear allegiance to his house and to the Shogun. 
Between 161 1 and 1850 no fewer than fifteen embassies 
from Riu Kiu visited Yedo to obtain investiture for the 
island king, or to congratulate a Shogun upon his accession 
to power. The same policy, however, was pursued toward 
China also. After the revolution of 1868 the Loo Choo 
Islands were made a dependency of the Japanese empire, 
and the king acknowledged the Mikado for his suzerain. 
Some five years later, the Japanese reduced the king to the 
status of a retired daimio, and transformed Riu Kiu into 
a ken, or prefecture. To this the islanders objected, and 
continued to send a tribute-junk to Ningpo, and implored 
China's interposition. The Peking government, on its part, 
considered that Japan, by its annexation of the Loo Choo 
Islands, had wrongfully cut off a fringe of the robe of the 
Middle Kingdom; but it took no active steps to enforce its 
claim, and Japan remains in possession. 

Similar questions arose as to the position of the large 
island of Formosa, which was claimed by China, with the 
exception of the eastern section, a region inhabited by fierce 
savages, who defied in their mountains and forests the con- 
quering efforts of China. This being the case, the Emperor 
of China conceded to Japan, in 1874, the right to chastise 
these warlike tribes for certain outrages committed on 
wrecked Japanese sailors. A force was sent there and the 
tribal district quickly overrun, the Japanese then proceeding 
to occupy this portion of the island, building roads, organiz- 
ing military camps and constructing fortifications „ China, 
jealous of these operations, now claimed the whole island 
as its own and denounced the Japanese as intruders, and 
for a time war seemed inevitable. In the end, however, the 
Japanese accepted the Chinese view and withdrew, China 
paying them an indemnity of $700,000 for their losses. But 



200 THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN' AND CHINA 

this very poorly repaid Japan, for the war with the savages 
had cost her $5,000,000 in money and seven hundred hves. 

About the same time a question of ownership arose 
between Japan and Russia concerning the large northern 
island of Saghalien, which had been the occasion of the first 
hostile relations between these countries. This island, claimed 
by Japan, yet very thinly inhabited, had been intruded on 
by Russia as long ago as 1790, the northern part being forcibly 
occupied, and there had been a good deal of bloodshed between 
the rival claimants. This question was settled amicably 
in 1875, t>y a treaty in which the whole of Saghalien was 
ceded to Russia, Japan obtaining in exchange sovereignty 
over all the Kurile Islands. 

Japan's relations with Korea were destined to have far 
more momentous consequences in bringing about an important 
war, whose results had much to do with raising the island 
empire to the position of one of the leading powers of the 
world. Though China for centuries had claimed sovereign 
authority over Korea, Japan maintained a counter claim, 
based on actual conquest. This took place as long ago as 

201 A. D., when the valiant Empress Jingu led a large army 
against that kingdom and completely subdued it. The king 
agreed to pay tribute to Japan and gave noble hostages in 
pledge of his good faith, and the fleet of the empress sailed 
back deep laden with precious spoil. For a long time after 
that period Korea continued to pay tribute, and the relations 
between the two countries continued close, knowledge of the 
arts and thoughts of Asia reaching the island empire chiefly 

dhrough Korean channels. We hear of envoys bearing a 
tribute of horses, of tailors, and finally of a schoolmaster, 
who introduced the art of writing into Japan. Mulberry 
trees and silk culture were also introduced from Korea, and 
in the year 552 came a party of doctors, astronomers, astrolo- 
gists and mathematicians from Korea, and with them a 




THE EMPRESS OF JAPAN, THE PRINCE IMPERIAL OF JAPAN AND 
THE PRINCESS IMPERIAL OF JAPAN 



THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 201 

number of Buddhist priests, who brought into the land a 
new religion, which went far to replace the old Shinto or 
ancestoi worship. In this way the arts, sciences, letters and 
religions of Asia made their way into Japan, constituting 
the first wave of civilization which swept over the old 
barbarism of the land. 

Korea was again invaded by a Japanese army in 1592, 
on which occasion the country was overrun and the armies 
of Japan came into serious conflict with those of China. The 
war continued for six years. On these two wars was based 
the claim that Korea is a vassal state under Japan, which, 
however, held no Korean territory except the port of Fusan. 
In the succeeding period Korea closed her soil against both 
China and Japan. Tribute was paid to both, but so strict 
a policy of isolation was maintained that Korea won the 
titles of the Hermit Kingdom and the Forbidden Land. 
This state of affairs remained intact until 1868, Korea regu- 
larly sending embassies to do homage to Japan, but strictly 
continuing its ancient seclusion. The final opening of Korea 
to the world was brought about as a consequence of the visit 
of Commodore Perry to Japan, and the complete change in 
the policy of that land. The Korean monarch, disgusted 
by Japan's departure from the time-honored traditions of 
isolation, and emboldened by the failure of certain French 
and American expeditions against his territory, sent to 
Tokio insulting letters, in which he taunted Japan with 
slavish truckling to the foreign barbarians and declared 
himself an enemy. This incident, which took place in 1872, 
rendered the project of a war with Korea extremely popular 
in the Japanese army and navy. Some years, however, 
were to elapse before an armed contest took place between 
the two countries, and a treaty of peace, friendship and com- 
merce was concluded between them on February 27, 1876. 
In pursuance of this treaty, Japan, in 1876, secured the 



202 THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 

opening of the port of Fusan to her trade, as compensation 
for an outrage perpetrated on some of her sailors. In 1880 
Chemulpo, the port of Seoul, the Korean capital, was also 
thrown open to Japanese commerce. Two years later the 
United States obtained similar rights of commerce, and 
most of the countries of Europe soon followed, the isolation 
of the Hermit Kingdom coming thus to an end. 

The activity of the Japanese now gave umbrage to the 
court of Peking, and in 1881 a draft of a commercial treaty was 
drawn up by the Chinese authorities, in conjunction with the 
representatives of the principal Western powers at the Chinese 
capital, and carried to Seoul for acceptance by the American 
naval officer, Commodore Shufeldt. The treaty, being 
recommended by China, was naturally accepted by Korea. 
When the Japanese, however, observed that the Chinese 
were putting forward a pretension to control exclusively the 
destinies of the Hermit Kingdom, they determined to assert 
their old claim to an equal voice with China in the Korean 
peninsula. They allied themselves with the so-called pro- 
gressive party in Korea, and thus forced China to link her 
fortunes with the reactionists. 

Except among the reformers, who constituted but a 
weak minority of the Korean population, the Japanese were 
far from popular in the Hermit Kingdom, and in June, 1882, 
the reactionists attacked the Japanese Legation, miurdered 
some of its inmates and compelled the survivors to flee. 
Thereupon the Japanese sent a force to exact reparation, 
while the Chinese, on their part, sent a force to restore order. 
A temporary accommodation was effected, but for two years 
Chinese and Japanese soldiers remained close to one another 
under the walls of Seoul. In December, 1884, a second colli- 
sion occurred between the Japanese and Koreans, the latter 
being aided this time by the Chinese. The first named were 
compelled to flee. The Tokio government obtained repara- 



THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 203 

tion for this fresh outrage, but, not satisfied therewith, it 
dispatched Count Ito to Peking to bring about some permanent 
arrangement. There is no doubt that at this time the Chinese 
occupied a much stronger position in Korea than did the 
Mikado's subjects, but the advantage was thrown away 
by an agreement which tied China's hands and had far- 
reaching consequences. 

Li Hung Chang was appointed plenipotentiary to nego- 
tiate with Count Ito, and a convention was signed by them 
at Tien-tsin, on April 18, 1885. It provided, first, that both 
countries should recall their troops from Korea; secondly, 
that no more officers should be sent by either country to drill 
Korean soldiers; and thirdly, that if at any future time 
either of the parties to the convention should decide to send 
a force to Korea, it must straightway inform the other. By 
this compact China acknowledged that Japan's right to con- 
trol Korea was on a level with her own, and it was hence- 
forth unreasonable for the Peking authorities to speak of 
Korea as a vassal state. For nine years after the conclusion 
of the Tien-tsin convention, peace prevailed in the Hermit 
Kingdom. 

In the spring of 1894, however, the Tong Haks, a body 
of religious reformers, broke into open rebehion and toward 
the end of May obtained a considerable success over the 
troops of the Korean government. China was at once 
requested to dispatch a force to save the capital, and by the 
loth of June 2,000 Chinese soldiers were encamped at Asan, 
a port some distance to the south of Seoul. A few Chinese 
men-of-war were also ordered to cruise off the Korean coasts. 
In pursuance of the terms of the Tien-tsin convention, notifi- 
cation of the dispatch of these forces to Korea was given to 
the Tokio government, which, having had equal rights con- 
ceded to it, was resolved to exercise them with promptitude 
and vigor. Within forty-eight hours after the arrival of the 



204 THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 

Chinese at Asan, the Japanese had placed a far superior 
number of soldiers at Seoul, and of ships at Chemulpo. They 
thus secured complete possession of the capital and of the 
court, although both had been in thorough sympathy with 
China. To avert an insurrection in Seoul it was thought 
needful to secure the person of the King of Korea, and his 
palace was accordingly captured by the Japanese, and the 
ruler of the peninsula converted into their tool or ally. He 
was forthwith required to put his seal to a document order- 
ing the Chinese troops who had come at his invitation to 
leave the country. This seizure of the king's person took 
place on July 23, 1894. 

China was at that time under the leadership of a states- 
man of marked ability, the famous Li Hung Chang, who, 
from being made viceroy of a province in 1870, had risen 
to be the prime minister of the empire. At the head of the 
empire was a woman, the Dowager Empress Tsu Tsi, who 
had usurped the power of the young em.peror and ruled the 
state. It was to these two people in power that the war was 
due. The Dowager Empress, blindly ignorant of the mili- 
tary power of the Japanese, decided that these " insolent 
pigmies" deserved to be chastised. Li, her right-hand man, 
was of the same opinion. At the last moment, indeed, 
doubts began to assail his mind, into which came a fear that 
the arm.y and navy of China were not in shape to meet the 
forces of Japan. But the em.press was resolute. Her 
sixtieth birthday was at hand and she proposed to celebrate it 
magnificently; and what better decorations could she dis- 
play than the captured banners of these insolent islanders? 
So it was decided to present a bold front, and instead of the 
troops of China being removed, reinforcements were sent to 
the force at Asan. 

There followed a startling event. On July 25 three 
Japanese men-of-war, cruisins' in the Yellow Sea, came in 



THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 205 

sight of a transport, the Kowshing, loaded with Chinese 
troops and convoyed by two ships of the Chinese navy. The 
Japanese admiral did not know of the seizure of Seoul by the 
land forces, but he took it to be his duty to prevent Chinese 
troops from reaching Korea, so he at once attacked the war 
ships of the enemy with such effect that one was sunk, the 
other disabled. Then he sent orders to the officers of the 
Kowshing that they should put about and follow his ships. 
This the Chinese generals refused to do. They trusted to 
the fact that they were on a chartered British vessel and 
that the British flag flew over their heads. The daring 
Japanese admiral troubled his soul little about this foreign 
standard, but at once opened fire on the transport and with 
such effect that in half an hour it went to the bottom, carry- 
ing with it twelve hundred men. Only about one hiuidred 
and seventy escaped. 

On the same day the Japanese General Oshima left Seoul 
with a small force to attack the Chinese camp, which had 
been transferred from Asan to Song-hwan, a strongly forti- 
fied position. The place was carried on July 29 by a night 
surprise with a loss to the Chinese of 500 killed and wounded; 
the remainder of the force then retreating to Pingyang, a 
town north of Seoul, on the main road to China. These 
encounters were followed by a reciprocal declaration of war 
between China and Japan on August i, 1894. 

There now ensued a lull in hostilities, during which 
Japan poured her troops into. Korea, while the Chinese fleet 
remiained inactive in the harbors of Wei-hai-wei and Port 
Arthur. About the beginning of September a Japanese 
force of 13,000 men under General Nodzu was ordered to 
attack the strong position occupied by the Chinese at 
Pingyang. The assault was delivered on May 15, and the 
Chinese were compelled to retreat with a loss of 2,000 killed, 
in addition to the wounded and prisoners. The sturdiness 



2o6 THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 

of the defence at certain points was attested by the fact that 
the victors themselves lost 633 killed, wounded and missing. 
The capture of Pingyang resulted in the Chinese evacuation 
of Korea. 

While the fighting was taking place on land at Pingyang, 
the Chinese fleet, under the commiand of Admiral Ting, was 
conveying troops to the mouth of the Yalu River, the north- 
western boundary of Korea, where the Chinese were collect- 
ing a second army. Returning from the fulfillment of this 
task, the fleet was encountered off the island of Hai-yun-tao 
on September 17, by a Japanese squadron under Admiral 
Ito. The story of this naval battle is of such importance that 
we pass it by here with the simple statement that the Japa- 
nese were brilliantly victorious and describe it in detail in 
the next chapter. 

The Japanese, having been reinforced by a considerable 
body of soldiers under Marshal Yamagata, began their for- 
ward movement from Pingyang early in October, 1894, and 
on the loth of the month reached the Yalu, where they 
found a considerable Chinese army posted on the northern 
bank of the river. After a merely nominal resistance, how- 
ever, the Chinese officers and soldiers abandoned their fortifi- 
cations on October 25 and 26, thus allowing the Japanese 
to capture an enormous quantity of war materials, including 
seventy-four cannon, over 4,000 rifles and more than 4,000,000 
rounds of ammunition. While Marshal Yamagata was 
forcing the passage of the Yalu, another Japanese army 
under Marshal Oyama had landed on the Liao-tung, or 
Regent's vSword peninsula, with the view of assailing the 
great naval station of Port Arthur. The natural and arti- 
ficial strength of this place was great; over 300 guns V\rere 
in position, and the garrison numbered at least 10,000 men, 
while the assailants did not exceed 13,000, although, of 
course, they were materially aided by their fleet. 



THE V/AR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 207 

The attack was made by army and fleet on the 21st of 
November, the Chinese showing themselves as incompetent 
in the defence of a fortress as in field operations. A two days' 
siege sufficed the Japanese army to take fort after fort, until 
the whole place was in their hands, the Chinese garrison 
fleeing in dismay. From Port Arthur an advance was made' 
until the Japanese forces were in the vicinity of the Great ^ 
Wall, with the soil and capital of China not far before them. 

To return to the narrative of naval events, we must next 
direct our attention to the strongly fortified stronghold of 
Wei-hai-wei, on the northern coast of China, and opposite 
the Manchurian fortress of Port Arthur, which the Japanese 
had so brilliantly won. What was left intact of the Chinese 
fleet had taken refuge in the harbor of Wei-hai-wei, under 
the guns of its forts; and hither, near the end of January, 
1895, the victorious Japanese fleet advanced against the 
fugitive ships. Here it was that China made her last strong 
stand, the fleet fighting with a courage which might have 
turned the tide of victory in China's favor if the ships had 
been well supported by the forts. The latter did not hold 
out long against the JapanCvSe attack. A force of 25,000 men 
was successfully landed and assailed the forts in the rear, 
quickly overcoming their landward defences. Fort after 
fort was taken until only those in the immediate vicinity 
of the port and on the islands in the harbor remained in 
Chinese hands. On February i an assault in force was made 
on those on the mainland, and in a few hours they were in 
Japanese hands, their defenders having lost heart and fled. 

The work of the fleet was not so easy. Booms com- 
posed of heavy timbers and steel hawsers had been stretched 
across the harbor entrance and torpedoes planted in the 
waters about them, so that any attempt to enter was very 
perilous. In the harbor lay fifteen Chinese war vessels and \ 
thirteen torpedo-boats. The fleet of Japan was stronger in 



2o8 THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 

numbers, comprising twenty-four men-of-war and sixteen 
torpedo-boats, but it had very serious obstacles to overcome 
in order to reach the Chinese ships. Yet several night attacks 
were made by torpedo-boats, a breach having been made in 
the boom, and great havoc was caused among the Chinese 
ships; a number of them being sunk. Escape of the fleet 
was impossible; it was too closely watched from without 
for that, and it was being gradually annihilated by the daring 
Japanese attacks. As a result Admiral Ting felt that sur- 
render was the only thing that remained, and on February 
12 he gave up his remaining ships and the forts that con- 
tinued in Chinese hands on Liu-kung Island in the harbor. 
That same day he and two other high officers of the fleet 
escaped from the probable wrath of the empress by com- 
mitting suicide. 

On land the armies of Japan gained some further sue 
cesses, capturing several Chinese strongholds. Among these 
was the important town of New-chv/ang, where the Chinese 
were in large force and defended themselves with much 
resolution. The Japanese fleet, now supreme upon the sea, 
ended its labors by the capture of the Pescadores or Fisher 
Islands, a small group of islands lying between China and 
Formosa, and the capture of which gave her full command 
of the Chinese waters, the whole eastern littoral of the empire 
lying open to her attacks. 

China was now in a perilous position. Its fleet was lost, 
its coast strongholds of Port Arthur and Wei-hai-wei were 
held by the enemy, and its capital city was threatened from 
the latter place and by the army north of the Great Wall. 
A continuation of the war promised to bring about the 
complete conquest of the Chinese Empire, and Li Hung 
Chang, who had been degraded from his official rank in 
consequence of the disasters to the army, was now restored 
to all his honors and sent to Japan to sue for peace. In- 



THE WAR BETWEEN JAPAN AND CHINA 209 

the treaty obtained China was compelled to acknowledge 
the independence of Korea, to cede to Japan the island of 
Formosa and the Pescadores group, and that part of 
Manchuria occupied by the Japanese army, including Port 
Arthur, also to pay an indemnity of 300,000,000 taels and 
open seven new treaty ports. This treaty was not fully 
carried out. The Russian, British, and French ministers 
forced Japan to give up her claim to the Liao-tung peninsula 
and Port Arthur, a fact which led to momentous consequences 
in later years. The more immediate results were the lease 
by Russia of Port Arthur and the neighboring port of Talien- 
wan, the acquirement by Great Britain under leasehold of 
the harbor and town of Wei-hai-wei, and the cession to 
Germany of the port and surrounding district of Kiao-chau, 
farther down the coast. France, eager to take part in this 
pioneer step towards the partition of China, demanded and 
obtained concessions of territory in the south, adjoining her 
Indo-China possessions. Such were the immediate results 
of the victory of Japan. One might say it was a victory for 
the nations of Europe rather than for the people who did 
the fighting. 



u 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

The Battle of the Yalu 

AS SEEN BY AN EYE-WITNESS. 

Ironclad Warships in Battle — Li Hung Chang and the Chinese Navy — The Naval 
Force of Japan — Admiral Ito and His Ships — Cruising in the Chinese Seas — 
Japan and China Meet on the Oceaa — Commander McGiffen's Stirring Narra- 
tive — Manoeuvering for Position — The Roar of the Guns — Ito as a Great 
Strategist — A Terrific Battle — Hand-to-hand Fighting — Disaster Follows 
China — Ships Plunge Beneath the Seas — In Full Flight — Japan's Brilliant 
Victory — McGiffen's Frightful Peril — Japan Mistress of the Eastern Seas. 

THERE is little in modern history more interesting and 
significant than the famous naval battle of the Yalu, 
from the fact that it formed the second occasion in 
which ironclad fleets of modern type met in battle — the first 
being that in which the Austrians defeated the Italians at 
Lissa in 1866. The story of this memorable engagement 
is here given, mainly taken from Commander McGiffen's 
thrilling account of his personal experiences. 

Backward as the Chinese were on land, they were not so 
on the sea. Li Hung Chang had vainly attempted to intro- 
duce railroads into China, but he had been more successful in 
regard to ships, and had purchased a navy more powerful 
than that of Japan, The heaviest ships of Japan were 
cruisers, whose armor consisted of deck and interior lining 
of steel. The Chinese possessed two powerful battleships, 
with 14-inch steel armor and turrets defended with 12 -inch 
armor, each carrying four 12 -inch guns. Both navies had/ 
the advantage of European teaching in drill, tactics, and * 
seamanship. The Ting Yuen, the Chinese flagship, had 



THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 211 

as virtual commander an experienced German officer named 
Van Hanneken; the Chen Yuen, the other big ironclad, 
was handled by Commander McGiffen, formerly of the 
United States Navy. Thus commanded, it was expected 
in Europe that the superior strength of the Chinese ships 
would ensure them an easy victory over those of Japan 
The event showed that this was a decidedly mistaken view. 

It was the superior speed and the large number of rapid- 
fire guns of the Japanese vessels that gave them the victory. 
The Chinese guns were mainly heavy Krupps and Arm- 
strongs. They had also some machine guns, but only three 
quick-firers. The Japanese, on the contrary, had a few 
heavy armor-piercing guns, but were supplied with a large 
number of quick-firing cannon, capal^le of pouring out shells 
in an incessant stream. Admiral Ting and his European 
officers expected to come at once to close quarters and quickly 
destroy the thin-armored Japanese craft. But the shrewd 
Admiral Ito, commander of the fleet of Japan, had no inten- 
tion of being thus dealt with. The speed of his craft enabled 
him to keep his distance and to distract the aim of his foes, 
and he proposed to make the best of this advantage. Thus 
equipped, the two fleets came together in the month of Sep- 
tember, and an epoch-making battle in the history of the 
ancient continent of Asia was fought. 

On the afternoon of Sunday, September 16, 1894, Admiral 
Ting's fleet, consisting of 11 warships, 4 gunboats, and 6 
torpedo-boats, anchored off the mouth of the Yalu River. 
They were there as escorts to some transports, which went up 
the river to discharge their troops. Admiral Ito had been 
engaged in the same work farther down the coast, and early 
on Monday morning came steaming towards the Yalu in 
search of the enemy. Under him were, in all, twelve ships, 
none of them with heavy armor, one of them an armed 
transport. The swiftest ship in the fleet was the Yoshino, 



,12 THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 

capable of making twenty-three knots, and armed with 44 
quick-firing Armstrongs, which would discharge nearly 4,000 
pounds' weight of shells every minute. The heaviest guns 
were long 13-inch cannon, of which four ships possessed one 
each, protected by 12-inch shields of steel. Finally, they 
had an important advantage over the Chinese in being abun- 
dantly supplied with ammunition. 

With this formidable fleet Ito steamed slowly to the 
northwestward. Early on Monday morning he was off the 
island of Hai-yun-tao. At 7 a. m. the fleet began steaming 
northeastward. It was a fine autumn morning. The sun 
shone brightly, and there was just enough of a breeze to 
ripple the surface of the water. The long line of warships 
cleaving their way through the blue waters, all bright with 
white paint, the chrysanthemum of Japan shining like a 
golden shield on every bow, and the same emblem flying 
in red and white from every masthead, presented a grand 
spectacle. Some miles away to port rose the rocky coast and 
the blue hills of Manchuria, dotted with many an island and 
showing here and there a little bay with its fishing villages. 
On the other side, the waters of the wide Korean Gulf stretched 
to an unbroken horizon. Towards it o'clock the hills at the 
head of the gulf began to rise. Ito had in his leading ship, 
the Yoshino, a cruiser that would have made a splendid 
scout. In any European navy she would have been steaming 
some miles ahead of her colleagues, perhaps with another 
quick ship between her and the fleet to pass on her signals. 
Ito, however, seems to have done no scouting, but to have 
kept his ships in single line ahead, with a small interval 
between the van and the main squadron. At half -past eleven 
smoke was seen far away on the starboard bow, the bearing 
being east-northeast. It appeared to come from a number of 
steamers in line, on the horizon. The course was altered and 
the speed increased. Ito believed that he had the Chinese 



THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 213 

fleet in front of him. He was right. The smoke was that 
of Ting's ironclads and cruisers anchored in line, with steam 
up, outside the mouth of the Yalu. 

On Monday morning the Chinese crews had been exer- 
cised at their guns, and a little before noon, while the cooks 
were busy getting dinner ready, the lookout men at several of 
the mastheads began to call out that they saw the smoke of 
a large fleet away on the horizon to the southwest. Admiral 
Ting was as eager for the fight as his opponents. At once he 
signaled to his fleet to weigh anchor, and a few minutes later 
ran up the signal to clear for action. 

A similar signal was made by Admiral I to half an hour 
later, as his ships came in sight of the Chinese line of battle. 
The actual moment was five minutes past noon, but it was 
not until three-quarters of an hour later that the fleets had 
closed sufficiently near for the fight to begin at long range. 
This three-quarters of an hour was a time of anxious and 
eager expectation for both Chinese and Japanese. Com- 
mander McGiffen of the Chen Yuen has given a striking 
description of the scene : 

"Monday, the memorable 17th of September, was a 
beautiful day," says Commander McGiffen in his account of 
the day's events; " a light breeze gently ruffled the surface of 
the water. The forenoon passed as usual. At 9.15 each 
ship went to general quarters, cleared for action, and for an 
hour exercised the crews at the guns, no one dreaming that 
the results of our training were so soon to be tested. All 
boats had been left behind, save one six-oared gig for each 
vessel. In case of disaster, quarter was not expected, nor 
was surrender contemplated. 

"The fate of the ships was to be the fate of the crew. 
The heavy steel gun-shields, one inch thick, and over thirty 
feet in diameter, which covered the two pairs of 30.5-centi- 
meter (12. 2 -inch) Krupps on the ironclads had been removed. 



214 THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 

All unnecessary woodwork, rigging, etc., had been taken away, 
the side wings of the bridge cut off, all handrails and ladders 
removed, and rope or wire life-lines and 'Jacob's ladders' 
substituted where possible. The ships had been painted an 
'invisible gray.' Hammocks were placed as a small protec- 
tion to the men at the quick-firing guns, and within the super- 
structure sand-bags were piled along the sides about three 
feet deep and four feet high. Lying inside of these, on deck, 
were kept some dozens of loo-pound shot and shell for the 
6 -inch guns, to promote quick service. Coal in bags was 
also utilized for protection when possible. 

"When the bugles sounded action, but little remained 
to be done save to lower to the deck the ventilators or wind- 
sails, to close the scuttles, water-tight doors, etc., and go to 
stations. The Chen Yuen's forenoon routine had been 
carried out and the cooks were preparing the midday meal 
when the smoke from the enemy's ships was sighted by the 
lookout men at the masthead ; and before even a signal could 
be made from the flagship the bugles throughout the fleet 
were sounding merrily the 'officers' call and 'action.' 

" In far less time than it takes to read these lines signals 
had been made from the Ting Yuen to 'weigh immediately,* 
and never were cables shortened in and anchors weighed 
more speedily. The old Chao Yung and Yang Wei, being 
always longer in weighing anchor, were left astern. As the 
two fleets approached each other, officers and men eagerly 
strained their eyes toward the magnificent fleet of their coun- 
try's hereditary foe, and on all sides there were animation 
and confidence. 

"The Japanese formed into two squadrons, a flying 
squadron of four ships and a principal squadron of six ships, 
with a gunboat and a converted merchantman inside. 

"The twenty-four ships, trim and fresh in their paint 
and their bright new bunting, and gay with fluttering signal 



THE BATTLE OF THE YALU ai5 

flags, presented such a holiday aspect that one found diffi- 
culty in realizing that they were not there simply for a friendly 
meeting. On the Chen Yuen dark-skinned men with queues 
tightly coiled around their heads and with arms bared to the 
elbow clustered along the decks in groups at the guns, waiting 
impatiently. Sand was sprinkled on the decks, and more 
was kept handy against the time when they might become 
slippery. Here and there a man lay fiat on deck v/ith a charge 
of powder in his arms waiting to spring up and pass it on 
when it would be wanted. 

"The fleets closed on each other rapidly. My crew was 
silent. The sub-lieutenant in the military foretop was taking 
sextant angles and announcing the range. As each range 
was called the men at the guns would lower the sight bars, 
each gun captain, lanyard in hand, keeping his gun trained 
on the enemy. Through the ventilators could be heard 
the beats of the steam pumps, for all the lines of hose were 
joined up and spouting water, so that in case of fire no time 
would be lost. The range was about four miles and decreas- 
ing fast. ' Six thousand meters.' * Five thousand eight hun- 
dred.' 'Six hundred.' 'Five hundred.' 'Five thousand 
four hundred.' 

" The crisis was rapidly approaching. Every man's nerves 
were in a state of tension, which was greatly relieved as a 
huge cloud of white smoke belching from the Ting Yuen's 
starboard barbette 'opened the ball.' 

"Just as the projectile threw up a column of white water 
a little short of the Yoshino a roar from the Chen Yuen's 
battery seconded the flagship's motion. It was exactly 
1 2. 20 p. M., and the range as found on the Chen Yuen was 
5,200 meters. On our side the firing now became general 
from the main batteries, but it was about five minutes before 
the Japanese replied. 

"As they opened fire the Chinese quick-firing Hotchkiss 



2i6 THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 

and Maxim-Nordenfelt 3 and 6 pounders joined in, and 
thenceforward the conflict was almost incessant. Like ours, 
the enemy's first shot fell short; but with an exultant chuckle 
we noted that a shot from one of our 12 -inch guns had struck 
one of the Japanese leading ships. The bridge of the Chen 
Yuen, although some thirty feet above the water, was very 
soon soaked, as was indeed the entire exposed surface of the 
engaged side, by spray thrown up by line shots that struck 
the water a little short. Many of the men at the guns were 
wet through. Every one in the conning tower had his ears 
stopped with cotton, yet the din made by projectiles rattling 
up against the outside of its lo-inch armor was a serious 
annoyance. 

"During the early part of the engagement the Tsi Yuen, 
with its faint-hearted commander, Fong, had bolted and 
made for Port Arthur. Almost at once the outrageous 
example of Captain Fong was followed by the commander 
of the Kwan Chia, who turned tail and later ran his ship 
aground on a reef outside of Talien-wan. 

"Our fleet was now reduced to eight vessels. As the 
Japanese fleet approached it steamed along otir front from 
left to right, the principal squadron at close range, the flying 
squadron further away. The latter on reaching our right 
flank turned it and poured in a heavy cross fire on the extreme 
wing, the Chao Yung and Yang Wei receiving most of it. 
These two old-fashioned cruisers were soon set on fire and 
rendered useless. 

"As a forlorn hope the ill-fated vessels made for the 
nearest land, seeing which, the Japanese converted merchant- 
man Saikio made for them. The batteries of the ironclads 
were trained on the Saikio, and two Chinese torpedo-boats 
that had been inside the Yalu River at the beginning of the 
engagement came out to the rescue of the burning Chao Yung 
<^nd Yang Wei, the Saikio then abandoning the pursuit. 



THE BATTLE OF THE YALU. 217 

^' By this time the flying squadron had altered course 
sixteen points to port and were returniug, evidently to succor 
the gunboat Akagi^ which was in a sad plight, having pluckily 
engaged us at pretty close range, and was now steering wildly, 
her mainmast gone, her commander killed and her battery 
disabled. 

" It was now about 2 P. M. The Japanese flagship leading 
the principal squadron had reached our right wing and, flank- 
ing it, steamed down again in the opposite course. The 
Hiyei^ last in line, was almost ahead of thf? Ting Yucu^ having 
already been engaged by the Chih Yuen on our flagship's 
left. Her distance from her next in line ahead was increas- 
ing, and her captain presumably seeing that his slow old ship 
could not keep up with the rest, and being already on fire, 
fearing to continue on, and receiving the fire of both ironclads 
and of the Ting Yuen^ Sai Yuen^ and CJiing Yiien^ boldly 
decided to make a short cut between the two ironclads and 
rejoin his comrades on the other side. This was splendidly 
done. 

" As his ship passed between our two big ships we fired 
into him point-blank. It was impossible to miss, and flying 
material showed that we did not. Had we used shell, she 
would have been ' done for.' From this time the Chinese 
formation was broken into an irregular group. Bearing 
down on us on the one hand were the ships of the principal 
squadron ' in line ahead,' keeping perfect station, M'hile on 
the opposite side were those of the flying squadron. We 
were thus between two fires. 

"The Japanese now seemed to ignore the four smaller 
Chinese vessels ; and the five ships of its principal squadron 
steamed around our two ironclads, pouring in a storm of shell. 
Time and a2:ain fire broke out. Durin^' the confusion of our 
line consequent upon being out-manoeuvred the Clnh Yuen 
passed under our stern and joined the Lai Yuen and sur- 



2i8 THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 

viving ships of the right wing. The Ping Yuen and Kwang 
Ping, now coming up, threatened the Akagi and Saikio, but 
signals were made on the Matsushima, and the flying squadron 
manoeuvred to cover the endangered vessels. 

"About this time the Chih Yuen boldly, if somewhat 
foolhardily, bore down on the flying squadron's line. Just 
what happened no one seems to know, but apparently she 
was struck below the water-line by a heavy shell. She plunged 
bows first into the depths, and righting herself as she sank, 
carried down all hands, 

"At about 3 o'clock the Matsushima closed upon the Chen 
Yuen to about 1,700 meters, and we fired one of our shells 
with a bursting charge of ninety pounds of powder into her, 
causing great damage. At 5.30 p. m. the enemy withdrew, 
leaving us completely exhausted of ammimition save for three 
shots left in the guns." 

Commander McGiffen had several narrow escapes. When 
the lacquered woodwork on the forecastle of the Chen Yuen 
caught fire, and the men declined to go forward and put it 
out unless an officer went with them, he led the party. He 
was stooping down to move something on the forecastle, 
when a shot passed between his arms and legs, wounding both 
his wrists. At the same time he was struck down by an 
explosion near him. When he recovered from the shock, he 
found himself in a terrible position. He was lying wounded 
on the forecastle, and full in front of him he saw the muzzle 
of one of the heavy barbette guns come sweeping round, 
rise, and then sink a little, as the gunners trained it on a 
Japanese ship, never noticing that he lay just below the line 
of fire. It was in vain to try to attract their attention. In 
another minute he would have been caught in the fiery blast. 
With a great effort he rolled himself over the edge of the fore- 
castle, dropping on to some rubbish on the main deck, and 
hearing the roar of the gun as he fell. 



THE BATTLE OF THE YALU 219 

When Ito ceased fire, the Chen Yuen had just three pro- 
jectiles left for her heavy guns. If he had kept on for a few 
minutes longer the two Chinese ships would have been at 
his mercy. Just why he retired has never been clearly 
explained. Probably exhaustion of his crew and the perils 
of a battle at night with such antagonists had much to do 
with it. The next morning the Chinese fleet had disap- 
peared. It had lost four ships in the fight, two had taken 
to flight, and one ran ashore after the battle and was blown 
up. Two of the Japanese ships were badly damaged, but 
none were lost, while their losses in killed and wounded were 
much less than those of the Chinese. An important lesson 
from the battle was the danger of too much woodwork in 
ironclad ships, and another was the great value in naval 
warfare of rapid-firing guns. But the most remarkable char- 
acteristic of the battle of the Yalu was that it took place 
between two nations which, had the war broken out forty 
years earlier, would have done their fighting with fleets of 
junks and weapons a century old. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Heroic Exploits of the Japanese 

/apanese Heroism — A Daring Exploit — The Winning of the Gate — A First-Class 
Private — Repairing a Gun Under Fire — Carrying Dispatches Under Difficul- 
ties — How Wada Reached Headquarters — In Search of a Ford— A Bird's- 
eye Outlook — The Japanese Captain and Chinese Baby. 

THE war between Japan and China in 1894-95 was nota- 
ble in teaching the world that the Japanese are a 
people who may justly claim kinship with the world's 
bravest. In addition to the remarkable skill in the art of 
war displayed by them, and their courage when dashing on 
the enemy or enduring the hottest fire, there were aburdant 
deeds of personal heroism, which demonstrated that the 
little islanders did not need the example of their fellows 
for intrepidity, but were generously supplied with individual 
valor. Numerous examples of this might be given frc^m 
authentic records, and while we have not space for all thrt 
could be adduced, we cannot resist the temptation to give a 
few striking instances of heroic daring and patriotic devotion 
For example, it would not be easy to offer a more notable 
instance of unflinching courage than that of 

HARADA JUKICHI AND THE HYONMU GATE 

The attack on the strongly walled castle-town of Phyong- 
yang was made on September 15, 1894. We shall speak here 
'especially of the exploits of the Eighteenth Regiment of the 
Third Division. After a most valorous struggle, this regi- 
ment succeeded in capturing all three redoubts north of the 



HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE. 221 

castle. TTie enemy retreated, entering witliin the castle 
walls, wliexce they shot from loopholes or from the towers 
above the gates. Here the Japanese fire was of little or no 
avail, the enemy being perfectly protected by the massive 
ramparts, whence their fire was very galling. This was 
particularly the case at the Hyonmu Gate, on the brow of a 
very deep slope, which was most a'Lly and fiercely defended. 
The troops under Colonel Sato seemed unable to do anything, 
and the casualties were beginning to grow very numerous, 
not a little disheartening the attacking columns. Major 
Moji Watari, with his battalion, now began to apj^roach the 
gate from the north side. If only a corner could be broken 
down, he thought, or if a breach could be made in the wall, it 
would be comparatively easy to rush in, repel the defenders, 
and thus put a stop to the terrible loss of life in the Japanese 
ranks. Calling up Captain Atarashi Yasumasa, he proposed 
that a violent attack should be made at one corner of the 
gate, which formed the base of a hollow square, the adjoining 
walls being the sides. In some angle thereabouts a breech 
must be made, he declared. 

The order was passed on to Lieutenant Mimura Ikutaro, 
who accepted the task with alacrity. With a handful of men 
he rushed courageously forv/ard, indifferent to the furious 
rain of bullets, and reached the base of the wall. Here he 
would at once have climbed up the solid stones forming the 
masonry of the wall, had not Harada Jukichi, a second-class 
private belonging to the lieutenant's sub-company, begged 
to be permitted to scale the wall first on account of the great 
personal danger of the enterprise. The lieutenant's life, 
he urged, was of greater value than his own. All this passed 
more quickly than it takes time to write it down, and the 
next thing was the surprising sight of Harada scaling the 
wall, closely followed by the lieutenant and a f^w others. 
In a minute the task was over and Harada on top of the ram- 



222 HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 

parts, the Chinese appearing to be paralyzed by the reckless 
audacity of the feat. Taking advantage of their confusion, 
Harada leaped into the midst of the crowd of soldiers, using 
his bayonet with herculean force, he himself being a man of 
unusual strength and activity. Lieutenant Mimura followed 
hard after, fighting with his naked sword and cutting down 
all opposition. In an instant they were down on the other 
side of the gate, while some of Harada 's comrades were still 
fighting on the wall and others were coming up. The gate 
had been barricaded by logs and large stones, and these had 
to be removed before ingress or egress was possible. In 
consideration of his bravery. Lieutenant Mimura gave Harada 
the honor of flinging open the portals, and while the others 
kept up a steady fire on the enemy about them, or else fought 
hand to hand, Harada worked with a will, and shortly had 
the barricade removed. The next thing was to break the 
huge iron lock, and this he effected with a large stone. A 
wrench, a great pull, a push, and the massive portals of the 
great gate were thrown open, the impatient Japanese outside 
pouring through with irresistible force, like some swift moun- 
tain torrent. This was the beginning of the end; the Japa- 
nese were within the walls; the fortress fell and the great 
battle was decided. 

That Harada Jukichi performed a most valorous deed is 
true ; but that the fifteen gallant men who followed the lieu- 
tenant also merit the highest praise, is no less true. Two of 
these men were sergeants, and were killed in the tower above 
the gate, fighting against overwhelming odds. The others 
had a most fierce combat with the foe, and it was little short 
of miraculous that they escaped being killed to a man. This 
can be attributed only to the astonishment of the defending 
Chinese, who were unaccustomed to dashing gallantry of such 
a kind. Yet, as they awoke to a realization of what had been 
done, they fought determinedly with the handful of heroes, 



HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 223 

inflicting on most of them scars which the survivors will carry- 
to their dying day. Fearing that the ever-increasing num- 
bers of their foes might dishearten his men, Lieutenant 
Mimura cheered them on to still greater exertions. To 
Sergeant Kakishima Yataro he gave the order to bring up 
the rest of the sub-company, for the men had not followed 
owing to the impossibility of hearing the lieutenant's com- 
mands in the thunder of cannon and roll of musketry; the 
young officer, moreover, told the s;ergeant to inform Captain 
Atarashi that the gate had been carried by storm. All this 
was said and done while the fight went furiously on. Harada 
Jukichi had the distinction of being selected to open the gate 
because the lieutenant desired in some measure to reward 
him for his intrepid obedience; and while the bold man was 
doing this, the lieutenant ordered the others to fire as rapidly 
and as steadily as possible on the closing-in Chinese, in order 
that Harada might do his work undisturbed. The removal 
of, the barricade was no light task, yet was promptly and 
dextrously accomplished, and the key of the citadel fell thus 
into the hands of the victorious Japanese. 

The remaining narratives need no special introduction. 
We offer them simply with head-lines suggestive of their 
character 

A FIRST-CLASS PRIVATE 

When the Seventh Company of the Twelfth Regiment 
belonging to the right wing of Major-General Oshima's com- 
bined brigade reached the vicinity of Ans6ng-do, they sud- 
denly fell in with the enemy in the village by the river. It 
was then still quite an hour before dawn— 3 o'clock, to be 
precise — and the darkness intense. Considerable confusion 
resulted from this pitchy darkness, numbers of men losing 
all connection with the files to which they belonged. Nasu 
Torafusa, a first-class private of this Seventh Company, by 



224 HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE. 

dint of repea'-ed callings, managed to get some thirty men 
together; and this little body he ordered to stop on the road 
to the village of Kehliungtong whence the Chinese were now 
running out. Lieutenant-Colonel Taketa then tried, with 
his aides, to get the scattered men together. Sending his 
voice out into the darkness, he asked if any officer were 
thereabouts. No one replied. Then the lieutenant-colonel 
cried again, " Is there no non-commissioned officer or first- 
class private within hearing ? " This elicited a response from 
Nasu : " Yes, here am I, Nasu Torafusa, a first-class private." 

Rejoiced at finding some one in whom he could trust, 
the regimental commander told Nasu to use his men in 
bringing the right and left wings together, making them 
converge so as to deliver a combined attack on the enemy. 
Nasu at once set about this, acting rapidly and intelligently, 
until he came across Sergeant Amano, to whom he relinquished 
the task. Nasu was now called up to be an orderly and go 
with a message to the commander of the Third Battalion. 
He was bidden say that an attack should be made all along 
the line at dawn. Just as he was about to start on this 
mission, a loud cry of "Charge!" was heard, and the men of 
the other companies were dimly seen advancing at double- 
quick. Nasu joined these forces and charged with them 
into the enemy's earthworks, but not before he had managed 
to send on the message to the Third Battalion. 

At dawn the whole Japanese line bore down on the 
enemy, and when the Chupalli high-ground was reached, the 
troops were exposed to a fierce fire from the enemy's entrench- 
ments about Songhwan. Nasu led, encouraging his com- 
rades to energetic action, giving them as he did so the proper 
range and telling them how to sight their weapons. Just 
at this critical moment, a comrade had some mishap with 
his gun; Nasu lent his companion his own weapon, took 
the disabled gun himself and in this rain of bullets calmly 



HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 225 

went to work to put the gun in order with the tools he carried. 
His skilled hands promptly repaired the damage in the breech, 
and then he handed back the gun to its owner, reclaiming 
his own w^eapon and continuing to fire as calmly and steadily 
as if at the butts. The men could not thereafter say too 
much in praise of his hardihood and coolness under fire. ^ 

THE ADVENTURES OF WADA SHOTARO 

In the Seventh Company of the Twenty-first Regiment, 
which formed part of the Sangnyong branch under Major- 
General Tatsumi in the advance on Ph6ngyong, was Wada 
Shotaro, a first-class private. On September 9 the column 
reached Nyongtong, from which place on to Kwanchangka ir 
Phyong-an-do, which was made on September 11, Wada ano 
his company marched on the left of the column as a guard 
Lieutenant Kochi Nobuhiko, of the Fifth Company, was; 
about sending in the report of his reconnaissance in the 
neighborhood of Namkang (on the upper Taidong), which 
he had made by order of the division commander; and on 
hearing this Wada requested that he might be selected as 
messenger to carry the report. Chinese were ever3rwhere, and 
the treacherous Koreans would be sure to do a solitary soldier 
some injury if possible ; but in the face of all such perils Wada 
cheerfully volunteered, and had the pleasure of being selected 
for this adventurous service. Just where the staff was, 
nobody knew, so it behooved the messenger to be extremely 
cautious and keep his eyes open. He first changed his dress 
for that of a Korean, and then started off with an interpreter, 
Koda Hyoji by name. There being no ferry-boat in the 
tributary of the Taidong, the two men swam across, carrying 
their clothing on their heads. Passing through several 
unknown districts, they traversed the opposite range of 
lofty hills, and the next morning at 2 a. m. (the 12th) 
branched off from the main road to Chungwha, taking 

IS 



2 20 HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 

the direction of Shangwon. It was still pitch-dark and no 
one astir of whom they might make inquiries about the road. 
They turned into a millet-field for a brief sleep, and just then 
narrowly escaped being discovered by a number of Chinese 
horsemen passing by. At 7 a. m. they reached Shangwon 
and, avoiding as much as possible any conversation with the 
natives, pressed on towards Kantongpa. The interpreter 
now grew sick, and so ill did he appear that the two men 
had great difficulty in reaching Hwangju, where there was a 
Japanese commissariat-station. Here the sick man was left, 
Wada determining to press on alone. After getting all the 
information obtainable concerning the route to be taken, 
the brave fellow started off, walked all the night through, 
and at 10 a. m. of the following day reached Shipyipho on 
the Taidong. It was now flood- tide, so Wada was com- 
pelled to wait until the ebb at 4 p. m., when he crossed the 
stream with the aid of some engineers belonging to the Japa- 
nese forces. The road then led to Wulkang, but was exces- 
sively miry and full of ruts, so that his progress was painfully 
slow. Being unacquainted with the language, he experienced 
much trouble in asking the route and was repeatedly led 
out of his way. At last at dawn of the 14th of September 
he reached a village, where he inquired in writing the road 
to the staff- quarters. Unfortunately their replies were unin- 
telligible; all that he could learn was that the quarters had 
been removed to Pongshan, whither he now shaped his 
course. Overcome with fatigue and his two nights without 
sleep, he was compelled to take a short rest in a glen of a hill 
he was crossing, and there he ate the last morsels of 'food 
he had with him. After a nap of two hours' duration, the 
weary man took the highwa}^ and by dint of following the 
track of the horses and vehicles that had passed, reached 
Pongshan at noon. There a new disappointment awaited 
him, as he was told that the staff had gone on to Shinhung- 



HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 227 

tong. Once more resuming his journey, Wada at last had 
the delight of handing in the precious report at 6.30 p. m. of 
that day. The staff officers praised him for what he had 
done and asked various questions about the condition of the 
Sangnyong column, the transportation of provisions, etc. 
They told him to stay where he was until communication 
should be re-established with the Sangnyong column ; but as 
the attack on Phyongyang was settled for the next day, 
Wada refused this kindly proposal, stating that he was quite 
able to keep up with the rest. At 2 a. m. the following 
morning, camp was broken. In spite of his necessarily great 
weariness, Wada marched with the van. The sound of 
heavy firing was now heard in the direction of Phyongyang: 
the great battle had evidently begun. At 8 a. m. the men 
with whom was Wada, reached Pehsan, about 2,000 meters 
northwest of the castle. There he joined with the foremost 
bands and was a prominent figure in the storm of shot and 
shell. Between himself and his comrades there was the 
river, separating them from the castle. Both banks of the 
stream were nothing more than swamps, through which no 
one might hope to pass. The Japanese here were moreover 
exposed to a fierce enfilade from the Kangshol and Chingsan 
roads. Staff-Major Semba Taro, who was in charge of the 
topographical survey, called for Wada, in whose fidelity and 
patient endurance he had great faith, and said : " Take a 
boat and, keeping out of bullet-range, go along the stream 
to see if you can find any likely ford; moreover, get near 
enough the castle on the southwest to find out whether the 
walls can be scaled." Wada went at once, and, having pro- 
cured a boat, crossed over to the opposite side, taking accu- 
rate soundings of the depth of the stream. On getting close 
to the western part of the wall, he was suddenly espied by 
the Chinese and made the target of a score of rifles. The 
scout withdrew uninjured, walked cautiously around to the 



2 28 HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 

south of the walls and reached a hill whence he enjoyed an 
unobstructed view of the enemy and their operations. He 
noticed that the shells of the Japanese guns were gradually 
breaking the walls and that on the south there was an open 
field flanked by Chinese earthworks. Retracing his steps he 
regained the river and his boat, and was shortly afterwards 
able to make a most interesting and valuable report. He 
had taken only one hour in reconnoitring the whole. 

A BIRD'S-EYE VIEW 

The greatest obstacle in the attack on Phyongyang was 
the swift, deep and broad Taidong River, which had to be 
passed over before the siege of the stronghold could begin. 
Before reaching the stream, the Japanese left attacked the 
enemy on the right bank, while marching towards a village 
south of Phyongyang. The place was about 1,200 meters 
distant from the enemy's nearest redoubts. The plain there- 
abouts was very fiat, and fields of millet, grown very high, 
prevented the Japanese from seeing what the enemy were 
about. The Chinese soldiers took full advantage of this 
favorable position and drew nearer, firing as they came on. 
The commander of the Eleventh Company, Twenty-first 
Regiment, was much vexed at this: and noticing a tall tree 
near at hand, called for a volunteer to climb it and thence 
inspect the enemy's movements. Ishizaki Sashiro, a second- 
class private, at once pressed forward, eagerly claiming per- 
mission to climb the tree, although he well knew that in so 
doing he would be the target for scores of bullets. Permission 
being accorded, Ishizaki unstrapped his knapsack and laid 
aside his gun, and then nimbly climbed upwards. There he 
had an uninterrupted view and closely inspected the oncom- 
ing enemy and their movements. He stayed quietly in the 
tree for some time until he had seen all that was necessary; 
and in these ten minutes or thereabouts the tree was five 



HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 229 

times struck by bullets within two meters of where he was. 
Ishizaki paid no more heed to these deadly missiles than if 
they had been so many noisy wasps. Fortunately he received 
no hurt and descended in safety; but his escape was little 
short of miraculous. 

THAT BABY! 

The assault of the Chaopei-tsai fort was a comparatively 
easy task for the Japanese, for the Chinese garrison was soon 
vanquished and the fort readily seized by the attacking 
forces. After all was over, a fine-looking Chinese woman 
was seen approaching the Japanese lines, having evidently 
lost her way. The woman was in all probability nothing 
more than the concubine of one of the Chinese officers in the 
fort before its capture; yet the Japanese took pity on her 
for the sake of her sex, and Lieutenant-Colonel Kawamura 
Masanao, who was commanding a battalion of engineers in 
the Sixth Division, showed her what road to take and saw 
that she reached in safety a house in the nearest village. 
A few niinutes later on, some of the soldiers found a well- 
nourished Chinese baby boy lying on the ground, and it was 
supposed that the child belonged to the woman who had just 
been sent beyond the lines. Pitying the little fellow, who 
was crying bitterly, Captain Higuchi Seizaburo, of the Sixth 
Division, picked him up and did his best to console the baby. 
But as the young Chinaman refused to be comforted, Captain 
Higuchi called up one of the prisoners and told him that he, 
the captain, would give him his liberty if he took that baby 
to its parents. To this the Chinese captive, a stalwart fellow 
who looked as if he might have children himself, joyfully 
consented; but the baby refused to be separated from its 
• Japanese friend, and cried harder than ever when the Chinese 
tried to take it in his arms. So, holding the baby in his left 
arm while he grasped his sabre with the right, Captain Higuchi 



230 HEROIC EXPLOITS OF THE JAPANESE 

marched to the capture of the next fort, receiving at one 
time a buUet through his cap. The fort was taken in gallant 
style, the baby meanwhile looking on in wondering surprise 
at the din and uproar of the battle, perfectly content to rest 
on the kind-hearted captain's shoulder. When all was over, 
this gallant officer gave his tiny charge to some of his troopers, 
who bore the child in safety to a Chinese house in a village 
hard by. 



CHAPTER XX. 

Japan Robbed of Her Spoils by Russia 

Significant Events in the Far East — ^Japan Wins Spoils and Russia Grasps Them — 
■ A Japanese View of Japan's Grievance — "Spheres of Influence"' — England's 
Isolated Position — The German Sentiment — England Takes a Hand in the 
Partition of China — Last of English Prestige in the East — The World Startled 
— ^Text of the Treaty Between the Island Empires — The Effect of the Alliance 
in Japan and China — Its Importance to China and Korea — A Great Diplo- 
matic Triumph for Japan — Naval Influence in Eastern Waters — Military and 
Naval Progress — Financial Development — Railways in Korea — The Japanese 
a True Asiatic — ^Japan in China, Manchuria, and Korea — Japanese Schools 
in Korea — The Merchant Marine — A Remarkable Legislative Event — Legis- 
lative Progress in Japan. 

THE Far East has been the scene of the most momentous 
warhke and pohtical events of recent years, embracing 
the Chino-Japanese war of 1894-95, significant as indi- 
cating the wonderful recent progress in mihtary power of the 
island empire; the Boxer outbreak in China, equally signifi- 
cant as a long step towards breaking up the mediaeval stagna- 
tion of that ancient realm; and the war of Japan and Russia, 
the final outcome of these interesting events. The cause of 
the war with Russia we do not need to go far to seek. Japan 
had been robbed of the spoils of her victories over China by 
Russia, a nation which took no part in the conflict, but 
stood watchfully by, ready to pounce upon the plunder. 
Aided by two nations she had brought for the time into 
looking through her eyes — France and Germany — she drove 
Japan, then in no condition to meet this powerful coalition 
in arms, off the Asiatic mainland, and changed the pieces 
on the political chessboard of the East to accord with her 

331 



232 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 

own ambitious schemes. Japan had won southern Man- 
churia by force of arms. Russia wanted it, and by a diplo- 
matic request significantly backed up by the ships of war 
of herself and her allies, forced Japan to recede and left Port 
Arthur open for her to lease for her own purposes two years 
later. 

As regards the Japanese view of this operation, we may 
quote from Mr. T. lyenaga, an able author of the island 
empire, who thus expresses his sentiments in the Review of 
Reviews: "As to Japan, her whole diplomatic history, from 
the signing of the treaty of Shimonoseki to that of the present 
Anglo- Japanese agreement, is the history of humiliation and 
condescension. Through diplomacy, she was shorn of the 
best fruits of her victory over China. From Port Arthur, 
Wei-hai-wei, and Liao-tung peninsula, on which she had 
shed so ungrudgingly the sacred blood of her sons, she was 
elbowed out; in Korea, for whose independence and regenera- 
tion Japan fought, she found her influence soon waning, and 
only * saved her face ' by the compromise with Russia in the 
Russo-Japanese convention of 1896. Not only was she com- 
pelled to acquiesce in these injustices, but she was not able 
to raise one protest against those transactions which snatched 
from China Port Arthur, Kiao-chau, and other possessions, 
under the very eyes of Japan that had scarcely winked since 
the battles of Kin-chow, Port Arthur, and the Yalu." 

Russia did not stand alone in repaying herself for her 
disinterested advice to Japan to stand back. Germany gained 
her reward in the seizure of Kiao-chau, as a reparation for 
the murder of two missionaries, and France obtained her 
prize in the lease of Kwang-chau, adjoining her Indo-China 
territory. To these acquisitions certain concessions of a 
very practical kind were added, consisting of the right to 
build various lines of railway, and the grant of mining and 
other profitable privileges. Throughout the length and 




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JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 233 

breadth of the Celestial Empire iron webs began to spread. 
At the same time there came into being that significant term, 
"spheres of interest," or "spheres of influence." In the 
north, Mongolia, Manchuria, and the upper basin of the 
Hoang-ho were, according to the Russian estimate, included 
in the Russian " sphere of influence; " in the south, the prov- 
ince of Kwang-si and a part of Yunnan and of Kwang-tung 
were claimed by the French ; the German province of Shang- 
tung had the first honor of initiation in the nomenclature of 
"spheres of influence." Such were the first steps taken 
towards the "partition of China," another phrase which 
now became widely heard, and which perhaps only the mutual 
jealousies of the powers prevented from being put into effect. 

England meanwhile had stood doubtfully aside, taking 
no part in these pioneer movements of partition. She did 
not join the coalition against Japan, but she failed to come 
to its support, standing tentatively in a position of isolation. 
This policy was not in accordance with England's record in 
the East, in which she had previously been the most ready 
of all to reach out for the spoils ; and as the process of veiled 
partition went on, she began to manifest doubt of the wisdom 
of her lack of readiness to grasp her share. The German 
premier. Count von Billow, had thus expressed the greedy 
attitude of his government, in a declaration before the 
Reichstag : — 

" Mention has been made of the partition of China. Such 
a partition will not be brought about by us, at any rate. All 
we have done is to provide that, come what may, we our- 
selves shall not go empty-handed. The traveler cannot 
decide when the train is to start, but he can make sure not to 
miss it when it starts. The devil takes the hindmost." 

Possibly this view of the case had its share in the con- 
version of England to the same policy. At all events, we 
see her now taking a hand in the game in the acquisition of 



234 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 

the valuable port of Wei-hai-wei, and the demarcation of her 
"sphere of influence" in the vast basin of fertile land in the 
valley of the Yang-tse-kiang. It must be said, however, 
that despite these acquisitions England had lost her proud 
position as occupying the first seat at the council-board of 
nations in Asia, won by her superior political and commercial 
interests, and had fallen to an inferior position, Russia having 
succeeded her as the political controller of China. That 
England was losing her influence in the affairs of Asia was 
manifest to every observer, and many of her statesmen were 
loud in their denunciation of the weakness of the English 
Asiatic policy. From the chambers of commerce and other 
corporations in Chinese and other adjoining seaports was 
echoed the same voice. This loss of English prestige was also 
seen in the near East, especially in Persia, where the Shah had 
fallen into the firm grasp of the Russian minister. All this 
loss of political influence was the outcome of the English 
policy of splendid isolation. 

England and Japan alike had been losers in the game 
of politics and diplomacy in Asia, and it may have been this 
that tended to bring these two countries together for the 
restoration of their lost influence. There seems to have been 
a growing discovery, in the words of Lord Lansdowne, that 
"throughout the troubles and complications the two powers 
have been in close and uninterrupted communication, and 
have been actuated by similar views," and that "from the 
discovery that their Far Eastern policy was identical, has 
resulted an international contract of binding validity." 

However this be, the world was startled in the early days 
of 1902 with the unlooked-for news that England and Japan 
had joined hands in a treaty of alliance, in which these two 
powers, the great Island Kingdom of the West and the young 
Island Empire of the East had taken a stand in company 
against the forces which were working to lower the position 



JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 235 

o£ both of them in Eastern affairs. We give here the text of 
this treaty, signed at London on the 30th of January, 1902: 

The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, actuated 
solely by a desire to maintain the status quo and general peace 
in the extreme East, being, moreover, specially interested 
^ in maintaining the independence and territorial integrity of 
the Empire of China and the Empire of Korea, and in securing 
equal opportunities in those countries for the commerce and 
industry of all nations, hereby agree as follows : 

Article I. — The High Contracting Parties having 
mutually recognized the independence of China and of Korea,- 
declare themselves to be entirely uninfluenced by any aggres- 
sive tendencies in either country. Having in view, however, 
their special interests, of which those of Great Britain relate 
principally to China, while Japan, in addition to the interests 
which she possesses in China, is interested in a peculiar degree 
politically, as well as commercially and industrially, in Korea, 
the High Contracting Parties recognize that it will be admis- 
sible for either of them to take such measures as may be 
indispensable in order to safeguard those interests if threat- 
ened either by the aggressive action of any other power or 
by disturbances arising in China or Korea, and necessitating 
the intervention of either of the^ High Contracting Parties 
for the protection of the lives and property of its subjects. 

Article II. — If either Great Britain or Japan, in the 
defence of their respective interests as above described, should 
become involved in war with another power, the other High 
Contracting Party will maintain a strict neutrality, and use 
its efforts to prevent other powers from joining in hostilities 
against its ally. 

Article III. — If in the above event any other power or 
powers should join in hostilities against that ally, the other 
High Contracting Party will come to its assistance and will 
conduct the war in common, and make peace in mutual agree- 
ment with it. 

Article IV. — The High Contracting Parties agree that 
neither of them will, without consulting the other, enter 



236 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 

into separate arrangements with another power to the preju- 
dice of the interests above described. 

Article V. — Whenever, in the opinion of either Great 
Britain or Japan, the above-mentioned interests are in 
jeopardy, the two Governments will communicate with one, 
another fully and frankly. 

ARTICLE VI. — The present agreement shall come intc8 
effect immediately after the date of its signature, and remain 
in force for five years from that date. 

In case neither of the High Contracting Parties should 
have notified twelve months before the expiration of the 
said five years the intention of terminating it, it shall remain 
binding until the expiration of one year from the day on 
which either of the High Contracting Parties shall have 
denounced it. But if, when the date fixed for its expiration 
arrives, either ally is actually engaged in war, the alliance 
shall, ipso facto, continue until peace is concluded. 

In faith whereof the Undersigned, duly authorized by 
their respective Governments, have signed this agreement, 
and have affixed thereto their seals. 

Done in duplicate at London, the 30th January, 1902. 

(L. S.) (Signed) Lansdowne. 
(L. S.) (Signed) Hayasht. 

The news of the conclusion of this alliance was received 
in Japan v/ith the greatest enthusiasm, and brought high 
prestige to the existing Cabinet. China also was excited 
by the tidings, and there was quickly seen a disposition on 
the part of the officials of that country to take a firmer stand 
in their dealings with foreign powers. It is an evidence of 
this sentiment that the Chinese government refused to dis- 
cuss further with the Russian agents the pending matter of 
the Russo-Chinese Bank, and that it insisted that the Rus- 
sians should evacuate Manchuria in one year, in successive 
periods of four months each, instead of in three years, as the 
Riissians demanded. In this the Chinese diplomats won, 
so far as obtaining the promise of Russia to evacuate. In 



JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 237 

fact, it is not easy to exaggerate the importance of the Anglo- 
Japanese alliance to the tottering Celestial Empire. Nothing 
could have been of more moment to the old realm, threatened 
as it was by the land-hungry powers of continental Europe, 

One aim of the treaty was to insure the territorial integ- 
rity 01 China and Korea, and to keep an open door to trade 
in the Chinese Empire. Politically and industrially it sought 
to maintain the status quo, to preserve " equal opportunities in 
those countries for the commerce and industry of all nations," 
to preserve neutrality in the event of one of the contracting 
parties engaging in war with another, while lending warlike 
aid in case of one of them becoming involved in war with two 
other powers. 

It proposed in particular to check Russia in any design 
she might have on Chinese territory and in any movement 
that she might make to close any port of Chinese territory 
to the trade of other nations. And England came to Japan's 
aid in maintaining the existing condition in Korea. 

But the effect of the treaty is wider than any specific 
purpose of this nature. It is certainly significant that the 
greatest naval power in the world admits into the front rank 
of nations, by this treaty, the youngest naval power. It is a 
great diplomatic triumph for Japan, and it gives her a stand- 
ing that she never had before. In the next place it is prac- 
tically a declaration that Russia, Germany, and France shall 
not be allowed to take more colonial possessions in the Far 
East. This is almost the same as to say that the whole earth 
has now been partitioned and that colonial extension must 
cease. 

If it lift up Japanese pride it also strengthens Japanese 
power; and it will enormously hasten the further develop- 
ment of Japan as a modern nation, aiding it immensely in 
its rise out of Oriental isolation into the family of modem 
nations, a distinction which it is the only non-Christian coun- 
try as yet to possess. 



238 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 

In fact, this alliance is of the greatest importance to 
both the parties immediately concerned. With their fleets 
united there is scarcely any combination of hostile naval 
forces which could seriously menace their possessions in the 
waters of the East. Russia, even if supported by her ally 
France, cannot safely threaten the integrity of either China 
or Korea from the sea, and the position of the representatives 
of the contracting parties at the courts of Peking and Seoul 
is Very greatly strengthened. It is not surprising, then, that 
the Chinese officials, with whom force has always been the 
strongest argument, should exclaim, "to British prestige 
in the Far East a tremendous advancement has been given." 

The compulsory revision of the Shimonoseki Treaty, 
by the joint action of Russia, Germany, and France, while 
checking Japan in what appeared the legitimate prizes of her 
victories, by no means put an end to her activity and ambi- 
tion. In the succeeding years the attitude • of the Tokio 
Foreign Office was marked by much reserve and dignity, 
and the position of Japan among the nations of the world 
grew steadily more important. The money received from 
China was employed in prosecuting military and naval prog- 
ress on an extensive scale, and with the warships built in her 
own yards and those purchased abroad Japan's position as a 
naval power of high rank rapidly grew. Her army was also 
sedulously attended to, increasing in numbers, improving in 
discipline, and being equipped with the most effective arms, 
until her preparation for war became equal to that of any 
nation in the world on a level with her in population. The 
important question of finance was also carefully attended 
to, and in this respect also Japan took a position rivaling 
those of the advanced nations of the world. Whether or not 
the Mikado cherished the ambition to play a leading part 
in the game of empire in the East, he certainly was putting 
himself in position with all available rapidity to play his part 
well if he should be forced into it. 



JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 239 

Gaining, through the consent of Russia, a position of 
ascendency in Korea, the opportunity was quickly turned 
to account by building a railway from the port of Chemulpo 
to Seoul, the capital, which was sure to be of great benefit 
to Japan in the event of a struggle for the control of the Hermit 
Kingdom, and a much longer road was begun from Fusan, a 
southern port not far removed from Japan, northward to g 
the capital. 

In this regard we may with benefit quote from John 
Barrett, formerly United States Minister to Siam and a diplo- 
mat deeply versed in the politics and trade of the East. 
Speaking of the character of the Japanese, Mr. Barrett says :* 

"The Japanese army officer, lawgiver, merchant, and 
general utility man seems to possess more all-round capabili- 
ties for bringing out what is best in his fellow Asiatic than 
any other national. The average Japanese understands 
thoroughly and completely the average Chinese, Korean, 
Siamese, and miscellaneous Asiatic, where the European and 
American labors in mystery and ignorance. This is natural. 
The Japanese people are akin to other Asiatics. They are 
probably of Malay origin and so have racial sympathies with 
the southern Asiatics. Their written language is the same 
as that of China and Korea in its higher forms, and hence they 
have in this a bond of closer union than any possessed by the 
Caucasian races. They understand the Asiatic point of view, 
and this is a matter of cardinal importance. They look at 
Europeans and Americans largely through the same glasses 
as gaze upon the rest of the Asiatic peoples. They are not 
compelled to reverse their methods of reasoning to appreciate 
how the Chinese, Koreans and Siamese reach a conclusion. 
They can teach and lead with a directness and efficiency that 
are lacking among Europeans. In bringing out these compari- 
sons, I do not mean that the Japanese have not their weak- 

* " The American Review of ReviewB," December, 1902, 



240 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 

nesses and shortcomings, or that in the comprehensive 
economy of the world they are in any way superior to the 
progressive races of Europe and America. They are simply 
better suited to deal with their own kind, and they have added 
to that quality immeasurable strength by studying, adopting 
and mastering, to a commendable degree, the influences that 
have done so much to build up the nations and peoples of 
America and Europe. This argument is not a eulogy of Japan ; 
it is a frank description of what she is preparing to do at this 
hour. 

"A secret of Japan's success along these lines is this: 
Europeans want to do everything for Asiatics in the sense of 
monopolizing the doing; the Japanese wish to teach the 
Asiatics to do for themselves as they are doing for themselves. 
In China it has been found that a Japanese army officer, or 
instructor along any line, will accomplish more with greater 
interest on the part of the student in a given time than any 
other foreigner. Japanese merchants, principally on a small 
scale, are locating themselves in all parts of the interior of 
China where no European merchant has ever thought of 
going. 

"In Manchuria, where Russia is supposed to have 
supreme control, the Japanese tradesmen outnumber the 
Russians fifty to five. If one journeys over the Russian 
railways from Port Arthur and Dalny north to Harbin, and 
then across to Vladivostok, he sees almost as many unofficial 
Japanese traveling as Russians. Recently, in going from 
Port Arthur to the new Russian port of Dalny, I counted 
ten Japanese and two Russians in the first-class car, and was 
informed that this was not an exceptional ratio. 

" In Korea she has agencies at work that no other coun- 
try can employ. These are her own emigrants to Korea. 
Japanese settlements are springing up from the Manchurian 
border to the southern cape. These villag'^s and the Japa- 



JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 241 

nese sections of the Korean cities are always well governed, 
and the people seem prosperous and contented. They are 
not ground down by the squeeze of Korean officialdom that 
takes the life out of the average Korean, and the example 
of their welfare and good government is unmistakably teaching 
the Korean people and convincing the Korean officials that 
a new order of things must be presently inaugurated, either 
alone or with Japanese cooperation, if Korea would main- 
tain her independence and lasting welfare. 

" If ever one nation made a peaceful conquest of another 
along legitimate lines of settlement and material development, 
it would seem as if Japan were accomplishing this result in 
Korea. In the literal meaning of schoolmaster we find Japan 
exercising her capacity within the borders of her neighbor. 
Wherever there are Japanese settlements in Korean towns, or 
new villages are located, a schoolhouse is immediately built 
to which all the Japanese children are required to go and 
receive systematic instruction from a Japanese teacher. 
There were practically no schools in Korea, except those of the 
foreign missionaries, until the Japanese opened their own. 
In Chemulpo and Seoul I heard the same buzz in passing 
the modest little schoolhouses that is heard all over Japan 
and is so characteristic of her inland towns." 

Something should be said here of the position of vantage 
gained by Japan as a result of her participation in the sup- 
pression of the Boxer outbreak of 1900. Previously she had 
been distinctively an Eastern power, availing herself of the 
advantages of Western culture, but standing alone in her 
relations with China and Korea, and looked upon by the 
nations of the West as a remarkable Oriental phenomenon. 
In 1900, however, she definitely became one of the great 
family of modern nations, her troops marching side by side 
with those of Europe and America, in intimate alliance, 
at)d showing themselves abundantly worthy of the honor, 

z6 



242 JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 

and fully up-to-date in military matters with her colleagues. 
Since that period Japan has stepped from the attitude of 
an Oriental into that of a world nation, a position which 
is sure to be strengthened by the struggle with Russia. 

In connection with the latter is an event of importance 
which took place at the opening of the Japanese Diet, or 
Parliament, on December ii, 1903. The war fever in Japan 
was then growing acute and the war party in the Diet was 
strong. The emperor, as usual, appeared before the Lower 
House, and delivered a brief address on the conditions of the 
empire in the quiet and pacific tone in which such perfunc- 
tory remarks are apt to be couched. His very short speech 
began as follows: " My lords and gentlemen: It gives us pro- 
found cause for rejoicing that the friendly relations between 
our empire and other powers ever continue to grow. ' ' Refer- 
ring to what was called "the important diplomatic matter 
of maintaining peace in the Orient and of our rights," the 
Mikado merely declared that Japan's ministers abroad were 
instructed " carefully to attend to their duties." 

This vague and colorless declaration was highly unsatis- 
factory to the people's representatives, who seem to have 
been full of martial fire, and deeply dissatisfied with the 
lack of energy in the government. They took the unusual 
step of framing a dissenting reply. An answer was drawn 
up by the president of the House and promptly adopted, 
which amounted to a sweeping and unqualified vote of cen- 
sure upon the Katsura administration. This reply was so 
remarkable as coming from a Japanese legislative body that 
it may well be quoted in full : 

"Your Majesty has been gracious enough to personally 
open the Diet and to deliver a cordial message,which the House 
has received with great gratitude. 

" The empire of Japan is now at its zenith. Its position 
is one unparalleled in the last thousand years. The membeis 



JAPAN ROBBED OF HER SPOILS BY RUSSIA 243 

of the House of Representatives profoundly regret that at a 
juncture so critical, involving the fate of the nation, the 
course pursued by the Cabinet is ill adapted to the needs of the 
situation and inconsistent with the enhancement of our 
national influence. The policy of the ministry has been 
shown to be incompatible with the progress of the empire, 
and to be purely domestic and temporizing. 

"The diplomacy of the Cabinet is a failure, and we 
humbly appeal to your Majesty to review the situation. 

"Our solicitude for the progress of the empire dictates 
this reply, which represents the aspirations and expectations 
of the nation." 

This marks a radical change in the methods of parlia- 
mentary government in Japan, since the Assembly has never 
before in any manner replied to the emperor's speech except 
by way of a humble vote of thanks. The Cabinet met at once 
and decided to endeavor to secure a reconsideration of the 
bold action of the House; but the House refused to recede 
in the least from its position, the Parliament was not only 
adjourned, but dissolved by authority of the emperor. 

The incident is given here as indicating that the legisla- 
ture of Japan is waking up to a fuller sense than heretofore 
of its powers and responsibilities, and that politically — as in 
every other direction — Japan is in a process of rapid growth. 
And as war is proverbially of advantage in advancing the 
rights of the people, the present struggle may have for one 
of its outcomes the development of a legislature more dis- 
tinctly approaching in character and power than heretofore 
those of Great Britain and the United States. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

The Boxer Outbreak in China 

Factions in China — Reform Checked by the Empress Dowager — The Emperor Loses 
Control — The Boxer Insurrection — Murder of Missionaries — Admiral Sey- 
mour's Expedition and its Repulse — Attack on the Taku Forts — The Allies 
in Tien-tsin — The Chinese City Taken by Storm — The Peril of the Ministers 
— March of the Allies on Peking — Battles on the Way — Capture of Peking 
and Rescue of the Legations — The Dashing Courage of the Japanese — The 
Brave Defence of the Legations— Peking a Captured City — In the Forbidden 
City — The Evacuation — Treaty of Peace and Indemnit(y — The Punishment 
of China. 

THE results of the Chino-Japanese war were many and 
momentous. Some important ones have been spoken 
of in former chapters. An indirect one, yet in its 
outcome the most signal of them all, the great Boxer outbreak 
of 1900 in China, remains to be dealt with. It was, as just 
said, an indirect result of the war; but it stirred official China 
to its depths and made its influence felt far down in the vast 
multitude of the Chinese people. The more far-sighted 
statesmen of the empire had come to perceive the necessity 
of radical reforms in the administration of affairs and the 
adoption of modern methods in China, if that land was tc 
put itself on a level with Japan and the powers of the West. 
As a result various innovations were made, a significant one 
being the doing away in part with the ancient subjects oi 
examination for the civil service and replacing them by tne 
lore and science of the West. 

In a nation so deeply conservative as China, innovations 
as radical as these could not go far without provoking hostile 
feeling and leading to reaction. Another effect was to 
intensify the hatred of foreigners by the people, who looked 

S44 



THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 245 

on these changes as a result of the advent of foreign trade 
and missionary teachings in the empire. A double result 
followed. The Dowager Empress, the head of the reac- 
tionary party, came again to the head of affairs through a 
palace revolution, an edict being issued on January 24, 1900, 
to the effect that the Emperor Kwang Hsu was unable to 
attend to the business of the empire on account of ill health, 
and had appointed the young son of Prince Tuan as his heir. 
While this did not indicate an actual abdication, it left the 
complete control of affairs in the hands of the old empress, 
who showed her hand in various reactionary measures, one 
being to restore the old subjects of examination and do away 
with the study of Western knowledge which the emperor 
had introduced. 

The other result was one in which the foreign world 
was more directly concerned. It consisted in a rising of the 
people against the missionaries, mission settlements being 
plundered and their inmates maltreated or murdered. This 
was especially the case in the northern provinces of Shan- 
tung and Chi-li, many of the missionaries having to flee for 
their lives, under circumstances of great peril and hardship. 

And now a new name was first heard in the outside 
world, that of the Chinese society of the Boxers, a powerful 
anti-foreign league, to which the disorders were chiefly due 
and which had grown highly popular and very strong in 
membership. On April 7 the Chinese Foreign Office was 
notified by the powers that unless the disorders were sup- 
pressed, troops would be landed and march inland to protect 
foreigners. But the trouble went on, a force of insurgent 
Chinese being bold enough to attack the British settlement 
at Wei-hai-wei. They were easily repulsed, but the authori- 
ties took no active steps to suppress the insurgents, and it 
began to be believed that the Dowager Empress was at the 
bottom of the movement and was secretly giving support 
and encouragement to the anti-foreign faction. 



^46 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 

The Boxers, whose professed purpose was gymnastic and 
pugiHstic training for purposes of peace and justice, were 
secretly leagued against everything foreign, and the fact 
that the government took no measures to check their out- 
rages soon added to the boldness and breadth of their assaults 
on the missions. During May a large number of native 
Christians were murdered and much railroad property was 
destroyed. A small body of Chinese troops was sent against 
the Boxers, but these were easily defeated and most of them 
joined the insurgents, so that by the ist of June the situation 
of the missionaries and their converts had become one of 
extreme danger. 

It had now become evident that the powers must take 
more active measures than protests, and that the foreign 
ministers themselves were in peril, and warships began 
rapidly to gather at the port of Taku, twenty- three vessels 
of various nations, having reached there by Jtine i, 1900. 
On May 30 Admiral Kempff landed 100 marines from the 
United States squadron, and sent them to Tien-tsin, some 
distance up the Peiho River, to go by railway to Peking. 
These were soon followed by detachments from other ships, 
their purpose being the defence of the legation officials at the 
Chinese capital. An allied force, 2,000 strong, marched from 
Tien-tsin on the loth of June, under the leadership of Admi- 
ral Seymour, of the British navy, its goal being Peking, 
seventy-five mile's distant. Here its presence was urgently 
demanded, since every day the position of the embassies grew 
more critical. Peking, indeed, had become a closed city to 
the world. No news, other than threatening rumors, cam.e 
from behind its walls, and the actual fate of the ambassadors 
and their official families was unknown. 

For some time the progress of Seymour's troops remained 
equally unknown, but on June 25 a message from him 
reached Tien-tsin, sayine that on his retreat from within 



THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 247 

twelve miles of Peking he had been blocked eight or ten miles 
from Tien-tsin, was terribly harassed by a great force of the 
enemy, had lost sixty-two men killed, was caring for 206 
wounded, could hold out only two days longer, and needed 
for rescue a force of 2,000 men. A rescue column was imme- 
diately dispatched, and found that since his message he had, 
by a night attack, captured a Chinese armory and arsenal, 
with immense stores of ammunition and rice. The armory 
was burned, and the allied forces reached Tien-tsin June 26. 
They reported the killing of hundreds of Chinamen in their 
fortnight's battling. The failure of this relief expedition 
revealing to the Chinese, who care little for human life, their 
ability to overcome European, American, and Japanese 
troops, was a most grievous damage to the cause of the allies. 
At Washington orders were given for reinforcement of Admiral 
Kempff's fleet without delay; and the next day President 
McKinley ordered three regiments of regulars from Manila. 

The Chinese, who had laid torpedoes in the Taku River 
and gathered large bodies of troops in the vicinity, were 
warned by an ultimatum from the commanders of the foreign 
fleet to withdraw their troops before 2 o'clock of June 17. 
At I o'clock in the morning of that day the Taku forts opened 
fire on the ships. The ships replied, and after seven hours' 
bombardment two of the forts were blown up and the others 
were carried by assault. The casualties in the fleet were 
reported thus: killed, twenty-one, of which sixteen were 
Russian; wounded, fifty-seven, of which forty-five were 
1, Russian. The Russian loss was due to an' exploding maga- 
zine. The Chinese loss in killed was reported at 400. 

About the same time the allied troops at Tien-tsin, 4,000 
strong — including 800 Americans — found themselves hotly 
attacked by the Chinese. Heavy bombardment of the 
foreign position was reported, with destruction of the consul- 
ates and other foreign buildings. A'force of 4,000 Russians 



248 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 

and Japanese was hurried, to their aid, and succeeded, after 
some heavy fighting, in effecting a junction. The fighting 
was persistent till well in July, the Chinese displaying an 
unwonted courage and endurance, and making daily attacks 
on the " foreign city, " which was commanded by guns mounted 
on the walls of the "Chinese city." On July 9 an attack 
by about 2,500 British, American, Russian and Japanese 
troops was made on the Chinese positions southwest of the 
city, which were taken, with heavy loss to the Chinese. But 
the situation daily grew more serious, the Chinese gradually 
closing in on their foes, with vastly superior numbers. 

It was felt indispensable, if the alHed forces were not to 
be annihilated by these incessant attacks, to capture the 
walled city held by the Chinese, and on July 13 seven thou- 
sand of the allied troops sallied forth on the perilous task of 
storming the walls, from which a terrific artillery fire was 
poured upon them. The Chinese on the walls were estimated 
at not less than 20,000. The allies suffered a severe reverse. 
The American commander. Colonel Emerson H. Liscum, of the 
Ninth United States Infantry, a soldier who had won renown, 
was mortally wounded. Several other American officers were 
killed or wounded. On the next morning the allies resumed 
the attack, breached the walls, and afterward stormed and 
captured all the forts, and took complete possession of the 
city. Their total losses in three days of fighting were about 
800 kihed or wounded, the Chinese losing much more largely 
and a great part of their city being destroyed. In a few days 
afterward they disappeared from the vicinity, which was left 
wholly in the hands of the allies. 

In the meantime intense anxiety prevailed in the nations 
of Europe and America which had ministers at Peking. Of 
the situation of these no satisfactory information could be 
obtained, while the rumors that made their way out were 
full of sanguinary details. It was known, moreover, that 



THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 249 

the Japanese Chancellor of Legation had been killed in the 
streets on June 13, and that on the i8th Baron von Ketteler, 
the German minister, had been murdered by Chinese soldiers 
while on his way to the Tsung-li-yamen (the Chinese Foreign 
Office). All this filled the Western world with dismal fore- 
bodings, and the necessity of a march in force on Peking, 
for the rescue of the deeply imperiled legations, became 
imperative. There was every reason to believe that the 
empress was in full sympathy with the Boxer movement, 
that the soldiers had largely joined it, and that Prince Tuan, 
brother-in-law of the Dowager Empress, was the chief leader 
in the insurrectionary outbreak. 

On July 18 the following statement reached Europe, 
as part of a message from the Chinese government : 

" For a month past, with the exception of- the German 
minister, who was assassinated by rebels who are under 
apprehension of severe punishment, we have ordered all other 
foreign ministers well protected by the court, and happily 
they are safe and sound." But this no one believed, and 
apprehension grew constantly more acute as time went on, 
while much impatience was displayed at the delay of the 
relief column in moving on Peking. Another need for haste 
was the known murders of missionaries and their converts, 
which still went on in various districts of China. 

The earliest trustworth}^ news from Peking reached 
Europe on the last day of July, in the receipt of the following 
telegram from Sir Claude M. Macdonald, which contained 
satisfactory information that the envoys were still alive: — 
"British Legation, Peking, June 20 to Jul}^ 16 repeatedly 
attacked by Chinese troops on all sides. Both rifle and 
artillery fire. Since July 16 an armistice, but a cordon is 
strictly drawn on both sides of the position. Chinese barri- 
cades close to ours. All women and children in the British 
legation. Casualties to date, 62 killed, including Captain 



^50 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 

Strouts. A number of wounded in hospital, including Captain 
Halliday. Rest of legation all well, except David Oliphant 
and Warren, killed July 21. Macdonald." 

General Chaffee, who had been appointed to the com- 
mand of the American forces, had reached Taku the night 
before, and at once reported that preparations for the relief 
movement were being actively pushed. Orders from Wash- 
ington were returned to " advance without delay," and imme- 
diately afterward the march began. It was known that the 
Chinese were entrenching themselves at certain pomts on 
the road to Peking, and an encounter took place at Pei-tsang, 
a point twelve miles from Tien-tsin, on August 5. Here 
the Chinese, some 30,000 strong, were strongly .entrenched, 
flooded land protecting their left. The allied forces num- 
bered about 16,000, of whom 6,000 were Japanese. The 
latter bore the brunt of the battle that followed, and behaved 
admirably, charging on and carrying the works and bearing 
the chief loss in the assault. On the following day the allies 
reached Yang-tsun, an important strategic point about twelve 
miles farther on. 

Here the Chinese occupied seven lines of entrenchments, 
200 feet apart. Falling back on these successively, they 
continued their fire for several hours, the allies shelling the 
place vigorously. They then advanced and carried it by 
storm. In this assault the American and British troops 
occupied the post of honor and drove out the enemy from 
their works, the Russians and French aiding, while the Jap- 
anese were in reserve. The enemy, after considerable loss, 
retreated in a panic, and was too demoralized to offer any 
further opposition during the march to Peking, which now 
proceeded without interruption. 

At a conference of commanders, held August 12, it 
was decided that the allied force should concentrate within 
five miles of Peking on August 14, and should assaxilt on 



THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 251 

August 15. The attack, however, began early in the morn- 
ing of the 14th — the alhes having marched nearly to Peking 
on the previous day, in four parallel columns, Japanese on 
the north, Russians on the centre, Americans and British on 
the south. The Russians and the American cavalry became 
involved with the enemy, with the result of precipitating the 
plans of the allies ; and early on the 14th the Japanese attacked 
the east gate of the Tartar (or Manchu) city, where they met 
a heavy fire for several hours. Meanwhile the Americans 
made a lodgment on the east wall of the Tartar city; and 
the Russians, beginning the assault at 2 a. m., and forcing 
the east gate of the Tartar city after fourteen hours' bom- 
bardment, made the first entry into that city. These opera- 
tions of the Americans and Russians seem to have drawn 
the Chinese away from the Sha-ho or southeast gate of the 
Chinese city, and the British, breaking it down and entering 
it unopposed, cleared that part of Peking. They then moved 
through the streets, screened from the enemy's fire by the 
walls of the Tartar city, until being signaled to from that 
part of the top of the city wall which was held by the 
legations, they came about 3 p. m. to the Watergate. General 
Gaselee, with some of his staff and about seventy men of the 
British force, rushed across the almost dry moat at the foot 
of the city wall, and through the muddy channel of the water- 
gate entered the enclosure which the company of foreigners 
had held for two months against the furious mob and the 
Chinese army, and rescued them from the terrible situation 
in which they had so long been held. The Americans under 
General Chaffee, coming from the east wall of the Tartar city, 
entered by the same Watergate about two hours later. ■ 

In view of the fact that we are in this work especially 
concerned with the Japanese, some account of their behavior 
during the attack on Peking will be of interest, and we may 
fitly quote certain details from the description given by 



252 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 

George Lynch, the war correspondent and author of "The 
Path of Empire," who accompanied the Japanese on the 
march to Peking. He says: — 

"The first thing about the Japanese soldiers that struck 
me was that they marched well. The heat was terrific, 
and, owing to a certain amount of confusion among the 
various forces and the narrowness of the path across that 
swampy country, the men had to march during the hottest 
part of the day. Very few Japanese fell out, and it appeared 
as if they were possessed of those qualities which enable a 
rikishaw man to run his thirty miles a day. Their food was 
almost altogether rice, which as often as not they seemed to 
eat cold. This extremely simple diet is unquestionably an 
enormous advantage to an army in the field. Their com- 
missariat and transport arrangements were practical and 
workmanlike, and their field hospital was, I think, generally 
admitted to be better than that of any of the other forces. 
There was a neatness and compactness about their whole 
outfit that was characteristic. They appeared to have 
selected from the European armies the pick of things that 
suited them. Some things they were not accustomed to. 
For instance, I have seen Jap 'Tommies' trudging along 
sturdily, carrying their European boots in their hands and 
walking in their bare feet or in the light straw sandals to 
which they had been accustomed at home. 

" The first companies halted within 200 yards of the gate, 
and those arriving soon filled up the street. Suddenly a 
terrific fire burst from the windows of the high gatehouse 
and the summit of the wall, and like a squall of hail the bullets 
swept down the street. Although the Chinese firing was very 
wild, this first volley did considerable execution. Sappers 
were ordered forward to blow up the gate. General Fuki- 
shima said to me, ' In less than twenty minutes we will have 
the gate blown up, and then we will assault.' The men were 



THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 253 

ordered up the street to be prepared. This they did at the 
double, singing and cheering as they went under a very hot 
fire. 

"There was a bridge just outside the gatehouse, and a 
clear open space around it, without a particle of cover. Across 
this ten gallant little Japs tried to go one after the other to 
where their comrades had been shot down, but every one of 
the ten was killed. There was no trace of fear or hesitancy 
about their comrades; a hundred — five hundred — would 
have gone just as gayly to sudden death if the order was 
given ; but General Fukishima saw clearly that it would mean 
useless expenditure of life to continue the attempt. It was 
very exasperating, however, to have to abandon it. There 
were all these little men, bursting with eagerness and excite- 
ment, and there was the competition of this great interna- 
tional military tournament to be the first in Peking — first to 
relieve the legations, if they still held out. The general 
ordered retirement, and determined to clear the gatehouse 
and wall by shelling it. 

"The next six hours presented one of the most pictur- 
esque scenes I ever have witnessed in war. There were sixty- 
four guns playing on that gate, some firing shrapnel only, 
some firing time-ftise, some impact shells. It was a bright, 
clear day, without a cloud in the sky. The shells kept 
'whooping' over our heads. 

" General Fukishima had determined to make another 
attempt to blow up the gate as soon as the darkness would 
give cover to his engineers. I had just dropped off to sleep 
when I was awakened by a loud explosion, quickly followed 
by another. I knew what that meant: the gate was being 
blown up at last. 

" In a few seconds, outside the doors, the Japs were pass- 
ing up at the double. Everything was awake now. They 
were running forward with their ' One, two, one, two ' war 



2 54 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 

chant. The Chinese had opened fire again from the wall, 
almost as hot as that wherewith they had greeted us in the 
morning. The Japanese had to get along by creeping close 
to the houses. It was a fine night and the moon had just 
risen. There was no use in returning the Chinese fire. On 
they went on both sides of the street, taking advantage of 
every projecting corner. Gusts of bullets swept down ■•"he 
street. Then the men halted at the last corner. There was 
a broad open space until the gatehouse itself was reached. 
The fire was very severe on the bridge. The Japs were pressed 
close to the wall, behind every coign of protection. But 
how they did enjoy it! How they sang and cheered! It 
was sufficient to shout ' Jow ju Nippon I' (Long live Japan), 
and a ringing cheer answered." 

Mr. Lynch goes on to describe the daring rush of the 
Japanese through the inner gate and along the streets, 
despite the Chinese fire from the wall, and their final coming 
on a picket of the Russians, who had evidently got in before 
them, and who told them that the legations were relieved — 
but the extracts given will serve to show the inspiring dash 
of the little soldiers under fire. 

The defence of the Peking legations by their inmates 
should have place in history in the same rank for bravery 
and endurance with that of the Lucknow Residency. The 
severity of the attack to which the defenders, who all had 
taken refuge in their strongest structures, were subjected, 
was evidenced by some of the legation buildings in the 
vicinity, which were riddled and many of the walls almost 
shot down by continuous rifle-fire from loopholes in walls 
within 150 feet. The French and Italian legations were 
almost entirely demolished. Hundreds of acres of native 
houses had been burned. The defenders had not suffered 
from actual starvation, though for weeks reduced to daily 
rations of rice and one pound of horseflesh. They reported 



THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 255 

that the Tsung-h-yamen had repeatedly made treacherous 
attempts to throw them off their guard. The last attempt 
was a message on the day before their rescue assuring them 
that orders had been issued forbidding, on pain of death, any 
firing on their buildings; after which at nightfall the attack 
was renewed simultaneously from all sides on all the legations 
and was continued all night. Some time before dawn they 
caught the welcome sound of guns in the distance, which 
renewed their courage to continue fighting. The firing on 
the legations was kept up until the relief force had actually 
gained an entrance within the city walls. The relieving 
troops, on their appearance, were received with wild enthu- 
siasm by the men and women who had with hopeful courage 
and endurance through weary weeks awaited their coming. 

The total losses within the legation compounds during 
the siege were reported as seventy-five dead and 120 wounded; 
nearly all the casualties were among the military defenders, 
who all showed extraordinary gallantry in fighting, and 
much engineering skill in selecting and seizing vantage points 
on the adjoining city wall and in rearing defences of bricks, 
stones, and sand-bags. They were reported to have killed 
3,000 or more of the besiegers. The soldiers to whom this 
gallant defence was due were aided by the civilians, including 
the missionaries, all of whom showed great courage and 
resolution in the defence. 

The international troops lost no time in taking posses- 
sion of the city, driving the Chinese troops and the Boxers 
from precinct after precinct, with much destruction of life 
and loss of property by conflagration, so that before Septem- 
ber I they held complete possession, the whole city bein^ 
occupied and the imperial palace put under guard. Hopes 
were entertained of capturing the emperor and the Dowager 
Empress, but it proved that they had fled with the court to 
Hsi-Ngan-fu, or Singan, the ancient capital of the empire, 



256 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 

600 miles to the westward, from which point negotiations 
were soon begun. The "Forbidden City," long sacred to 
the imperial family, was soon invaded by low-born foreign 
feet, and m.uch looting of its treasures took place, no part 
being closed against the plunderer, of which fraternity the 
invading army furnished m^any representatives. At the 
same time the country for a long distance around the city 
was scoured by detachments of infantry and cavalry and all 
Chinese in arm.s were vigorously dealt with. 

A proposition to evacuate Peking was soon made by the 
Russians, with which the United States agreed. But as the 
other powers were not ready to join them, the occupation, 
continued. Negotiations went on somewhat actively with 
the emperor and his advisers, looking to the settlement of 
terms for the future safety of foreign diplomats and indem- 
nity for the losses sustained. This proved a very difficult 
task, and months passed in fruitless efforts, during which 
the capital of China was held as a captured city. The occu- 
pation continued, in fact, for a full year. Count von Walder- 
see, the German soldier who had been appointed commander 
of the allied forces, left Peking on June 3, 1901, but guards 
were retained there for some months later. A considerable 
force of British, French, Italians, and Germans continued 
to occupy the disturbed region, chiefly around Tien- 1 sin. The 
Americans had withdrawn except a small legation guard, 
and the Russians had left Peking months before, contenting 
themselves with the occupation in force of Manchuria. The 
return of the imperial court was delayed till the following 
autumn. 

The punishment of China for the attack on the legations 
was severe. Several of the leaders of the insurrection atoned 
for their acts by execution, and others were banished and 
otherwise severely punished. The treaty of peace and 
indemnity, as finally agreed upon between China and the 



THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 257- 

powers, was signed September 7, 1901. The following is a 
suniniary of its most important provisions: 

Demanding infliction of the punishments agreed on fo-r 
those guilty leaders of the Boxers who have not yet suffered 
the penalty. 

_ Stipulating that an indemnity from China fixed at (about"" 
^3 3 7. 000 > 000 shall be paid to the foreign powers during the 
thirty-nine years -ensuing, with interest at 4 per cent. — the 
required amount being secured from the foreign customs, the 
likin (internal transit dues), and the salt tax. 

Prohibiting import during the two ensuing years of arms 
and munitions of war. 

Suspending for the ensuing five 3^ears the government 
examinations for office in all the centres of Boxer revolt and 
outrage. 

Razing the Chinese forts at Taku; permitting establish- 
ment of foreign military posts on the road from the sea to the 
capital; and granting to foreign governments the right to 
maintain military guards at their legations. 

Prohibiting membership in any societies whose character 
or purpose is anti-foreign. 

Providing for the requisite amendments to the commer- 
cial treaties. 

Providing that in all dealings with foreign affairs the 
Tsung-li-yamen shall give place to a regularly organized For- 
eign Office on the European model, with fewer members and 
with clearly defined powers and functions. 

Under the agreement the troops were required to evacu- 
ate public places, including the Forbidden City and the Sum- 
mer Palace before September 17; and all the expeditionary 
troops in the provinces, except the permanent garrisons, tc 
be withdrawn by Septemiber 22. 

Two expiatory actions, in addition to the punishment 
of leaders of the outbreak,^ remained to be performed, China 

17 



2s8 THE BOXER OUTBREAK IN CHINA 

being required to send embassies to Japan and to Germany 
to express her humble regrets for the murder of officials of 
these powers in the streets of Peking. That to Berlin to expi- 
ate the assassination of the German minister was headed by 
a prince of the empire and was conducted with the greatest 
solemnity and show of contrition. With these ceremonies 
the punishment of China ended, except that involved in the 
payment of the indemnity, which was to extend over a con- 
siderable number of years and was likely to bear heavily on 
the resources of the empire. The results of the outbreak, 
however, were more far-reaching than this. Russia took 
advantage of it to gain a firm hold on Manchuria, a fact which 
led, a few years later, to the war between Japan and Russia, 
with all that it involved. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

The Belligerents and the Other Powers 

The Czar Issues his Proclamation — Formal Declaration by the Mikado — The Neu- 
tral PowerL5 — Their Proclamations — Diplomatic Alliances — Political Interests 
— How War has been Formally Declared in Other Times and Countries. 

IMMEDIATELY after the night attack by the Japanese on 
the Russian warships at Port Arthur, proclamations of 

war were issued by Russia and Japan. Russia's was 
first made public February lo, at St. Petersburg, in the Offi- 
cial Messenger, in the following "supreme manifest" 

" By the grace of God we, Nicholas II, Emperor and auto- 
crat of all the Russias, etc., make known to all our loyal sub- 
jects : 

" In our solicitude for the maintenance of peace which is 
dear to our heart, we made every exertion to consolidate tran- 
quility in the Far East. In these peaceful aims we signified 
assent to the proposals of the Japanese government to revise 
agreements regarding Korean affairs existing between the 
two governments. However, the negotiations begun upon this 
subject, were not brought to a conclusion and Japan, without 
awaiting the receipt of the last responsive proposals of our 
government, declared the negotiations broken off and diplo- 
matic relations with Russia dissolved. 

" Without advising us of the fact that the breach of such 
relations would in itself mean an opening of warlike opera- 
tions, the Japanese government gave orders to its torpedo 
boats suddenly to attack our squadron standing in the outer 
harbor of the fortress of Port Arthur. Upon receiving 
reports from the Viceroy in the Far East about this, we 

259 



26o THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 

immediately commanded him to answer the Japanese challenge 
with armed force. 

" Making known this our decision we, with unshaken 
faith in the help of the Almighty and with a firm expectation 
of and reliance upon the unanimous willingness of all our 
loyal subjects to stand with us in defence of the fatherland, 
ask God's blessing upon our stalwart land and naval forces. 

"Given at St. Petersburg, January 27, 1904, A. D. (new 
calendar, February 9, 1904,) and in the tenth year of our 
reign. Written in full by the hand of 

"His Imperial Majesty, NICHOLAS." 

And the same day Count Cassini, the Russian Ambassa- 
dor, called on Secretary Hay and left with him the announce- 
ment of the Czar, declaring war on Japan. The Count's com^- 
munication with the Department was in writing. It was a dis- 
patch from the Russian Foreign Office to the Ambassador, and 
was couched in French, being substantially as follows: 

" During the night of February 8-9 a detachment of Jap- 
anese torpedo boats unexpectedly attacked the Russian squad- 
ron lying at anchor in the outer roadstead of Port Arthur. 
This attack, being the beginning of military operations, obliges 
the Imperial Government to take immediate measures to re- 
ply by armed force to the challenge issued against Russia. Be 
good enough to inform the Government of the United States." 

Japan's statement was a longer document, in the form of 
an imperial proclamation at Tokio: 

" We, by the grace of Heaven, Emporer of Japan, seated 
on the throne occupied by the same dynasty since tim^e imme- 
morial, hereby make proclamation to all our loyal and brave 
subjects, as follows: 

" We hereby declare war against Russia, and we command 
our army and navy to carry on hostilities against her, in obedi- 
ence to their duty, 'with all their strength; and we also 



THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 261 

command all our competent atithorities to make every effort, 
in pursuance of their duties, to attain the national aim with 
all the means within the limits of the law of nations. 

" We have always deemed it essential in international rela- 
tions, and have made it our constant aim, to prom.ote the 
, pacific progress of our em-pire in civilization, to strengthen our 
friendly ties with other States, and to establish a state of things 
which would maintain enduring peace in the Far East, and 
assure the future security of our dominion without injury to 
the rights or interests of other Powers. Our competent 
authorities have also performed their duties in obedience to our 
will, so that our relations with all the Powers had been steadily 
growing in cordiality. It was thus entirely against our expec- 
tation that we have unhappily come to open hostilities against 
Russia. 

"The integrity of Korea is a matter of the gravest con- 
cern to this empire, not only because of our traditional rela- 
tions with that country, but because the separate existence of 
Korea is essential to the safety of our realm. Nevertheless, 
Russia, in disregard of her solemn treaty pledges to China and 
her repeated assurances to other Powers, is still in occupation 
of Manchuria, has consolidated and strengthened her hold on 
those provinces, and is bent upon their final annexation. 

" And since the absorption of Manchuria by Russia would 
render it impossible to maintain the integrity of China, and 
would, in addition, compel the abandonment of all hope of 
peace in the Far East, we were determined in those circum- 
stances to settle the question by negotiations and to secure 
thereby permanent peace. With that object in view, our com- 
petent authorities by our order made proposals to Russia, and 
frequent conferences were held during the last six months. 

" Russia, however, never met such proposals in a spirit of 

•conciliation, but by wanton delays put off a settlement of the 

serious questions, and by ostensibly advocating peace on one 



262 THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 

hand, while on the other extending her naval and military pre- 
parations, sought to accomplish her own selfish designs. 

"We cannot in the least admit that Russia had from the 
first any serious or genuine desire for peace. She rejected the 
proposals of our government. The safety of Korea was in 
danger and the interests of our empire were menaced. The 
guarantees for the future, which we failed to secure by peace- 
ful negotiations, can now only be obtained by an appeal to 
arms. 

" It is our earnest wish that, by the loyalty and valor of 
our faithful subjects, peace may soon be permanently restored 
and the glory of our empire preserved." 

It was generally agreed that the war between Russia and 
Japan was an attempt on the part of two powers to answer the 
vexing Far-Eastern question. The final disposition of |the 
great Chinese Empire was a problem which for years had 
agitated the diplomatic circles of all progressive nations, and 
though the combatants were at war ostensibly over sovereignty 
rights in Manchuria and Korea, there was no hestiation in 
saying that China was hanging in the balance. John Hay, the 
American Secretary of State, seemed to realize the situation 
more clearly than any other man, and took a brave step for 
the preservation of the Chinese Empire. This move, and the 
attitude of the United States in general are discussed in a 
later chapter, since America, though interested in the situa- 
tion, looks at it from a view point unlike that of the other 
powers. 

England, France, and Germany were the most interested 
spectators of the conflict. With India bordering Tibet, and 
England's possession of Hong Kong and Wei-hai-wei, with 
France's interest in Annam and Tonkin, and her desire to 
secure a foothold in China proper, with Germany's occupation 
of Kiao-Chau looking toward her dream of commercial suprem- 
acy, the nations of Europe may well be said to have watched 



THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 263 

with, jealous intensity the beginning and progress of the strug- 
gle. Holland, more remote from the scene of action, in her 
East Indian islands, was less actively concerned; her fear being 
only of an universal war which might strip her of ^colonies 
and suck her into the German Empire. The "Balance of 
Power, ' ' construed in relation to the Far East, meant main- 
taining the existing concessions in China; consequently each 
power was zealous to see that no other, under cover of the 
battle din, made selfish aggressions. In keeping with this 
attitude, every nation of importance had issued proclamations 
of strict neutrality within a few days of February eigh"feh, and 
those most interested eagerly accepted the spirit of .the note 
which Secretary Hay issued from Washington on the tenth of 
that month. 

An important question which presented itself at the be- 
ginning of the war between Russia and Japan was whether it 
would be possible to keep the struggle from involving the 
whole of Europe in the Asiatic conflict. Treaties, alliances 
and covert understandings bound almost all of the Powers of 
the modem world in complex relations to each other, and the 
easily offended dignity of the continental nations gave rise to 
a well-founded fear that some slight, or unintentional, indiscre- 
tion might provoke a universal war. Both the combatants 
had, previous to the outbreak of hostilities, secured the sup- 
port of two of the most influential Powers. The Anglo-Japa- 
nese alliance, consummated the previous year, secured to the 
Island Empire the material and immediate assistance of Great 
Britain's army and navy, provided that, in case of a war, 
Japan should find herself opposed by two or more great 
Powers. 

On the other hand, Russia, on the occasion of the visit of 
President Faure to St. Petersburg, proclaimed the existence of 
a secret treaty which had not previously been recognized, and 
about the provisions of which there was considerable specula- 



264 THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 

tion in diplomatic circles. Its exact terms had never been 
made public, and it had not come before the French Parlia- 
ment for ratification, but it was generally believed to bind both 
France and Russia in much the same manner as England was 
bound by her alliance with the Mikado. It contained, accord- 
ing to M. Delcasse, an important clause by which no Asiatic 
Power, except Japan, was to be recognized as a second bellig- 
erent opposing Russia. 

The situation was further complicated by the change 
which had taken place in the relations of France and Great 
Britain. These two Powers, to whom traditional enmity had 
been handed down from generation to generation, relieved by 
occasional epochs of pacific and often cordial understanding 
had, previous to the accession of Edward VII., treated each 
other somewhat coolly. That astute monarch, however, who, 
had been indifferently expected by the m.any to prove a mere 
dilettante king, began almost immediately on taking the reins 
of government, to establish and preserve cordial and pleasant 
relations with his powerful neighbors. An exchange of visits 
with President Loubet, and the quiet cultivation of amenities 
with the French Chamber of Deputies, went very far toward 
bringing about a friendly feeling between Paris and London. 

Though Russia was somewhat chagrined at this flirtation 
of her ally with her enemy's ally, the more sober-minded were 
greatly pleased by the circumstance. There was no doubt that 
under these conditions both England and France would be less 
ready to take hostile sides, and would be more anxious to pre- 
serve the peace of Europe. 

The Emperor of Germany had surprised almost every 
follower of his original and enterprising career by keeping an 
absolute silence. As head of the triple alliance, he was able to 
influence the position of Austria and Italy, and his compara- 
tively small holdings in the Far East permitted him to lie quiet 
and watch the turn of events without the necessity of. 



THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 265 

committing himself. While it was generally admitted that 
Japan's triumph would be more to the advantage of Germany 
than that of her land-seeking enemy, the Kaiser did not hesi- 
tate to offer small sops to Russia by suppressing seditious lit- 
erature, which was in the habit of being published in Germany 
and transported across the frontier for secret dissemination 
among the revolutionaries of the Czar's empire, and the Em- 
peror Alexander Grenadier Guards at Berlin sent a ma^ifi- 
cent helmet to the Czar, their honorary colonel, at a time when 
the action could not fail to arouse considerable comment. 
But, on the other hand, Germany looked well to herself and 
strengthened her hands in the near East while the Cossack 
was scouring the plains of Manchuria, 

By suggestive advices poured into the Sultan's private ear, 
the Kaiser endeavored to shape matters better for the further- 
ance of the German trade in Asia Minor and for the promo- 
tion of the Germ-an railway in Turkey, which would eventually 
give a through line from Hamburg to Persia and the Indian 
trade. Germany's attitude toward the Sultan was generally 
supposed to be that of one who advises the mice not to frisk 
too carelessly when the cat is away. Russia's attention was 
well occupied in the struggle with her formidable little rival, 
and the Sultan, ever watchful of his opportunities, seemed in- 
clined to throw off the Russian influence, which had been 
weighing so heavily upon him. An arrangement, by which 
Austria and Russia should assist Turkey in keeping order in 
Macedonia, began to work less effectually now that the stronger 
hand was engaged elsewhere, and Abdul Hamid seemed in- 
clined to put off with vague promises instead of carrying out 
his part of the agreement to preserve order and protect the in- 
habitants from outrages. Germany's advices, as head of the 
alliance (which contained also Austria and Italy) , probably had 
more weight than would have that of any other coimtry, with 
the exception of Russia, and was especially opportune in view 



266 THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 

of the fact that the Slavic people, inhabiting the Balkan pen- 
insula, felt less enthusiastic about resistance now that their 
relative and friend had' temporarily taken her attention from 
them. 

North and west of the Baltic Sea, Norway, Sweden and 
Denmark, had been waking up to a realization that, unless they 
were entirely on their guard, their fate might become that of 
Finland. Since the attainment of her rank as a naval power, 
and with an insistent feeling that she must, sooner or later, get 
a greater coast line and better access to the sea, Russia had 
felt hampered in the East, not only in Siberia and in the 
Crimea, but especially on the Baltic. It was said that in 1903 
the Russian Government sent military engineers, in the dis- 
guise of peddlers, through Scandanavia and secured accurate 
maps of every portion of the country from coast to coast, and 
the Russian revolutionaries, who, for their views, had taken 
refuge in the country of ^the Norsemen, had contributed not a 
little to putting these peoples on their guard against the day 
when Russia might wish to absorb them. 

At the beginning of the war, therefore, Russia found 
small sympathy in these quarters. As was natural, the Czar 
found friends and well wishers among the Hungarians, Czechs, 
and other Slavonic races of the dual Empire. Her every 
move, however, was watched both by friend and foe with the 
keenest anxiety, and there were not a few who wished that this, 
the most impressive power in Europe, ixiight meet with 
reverses. 

The beginning of this war, was not unlike that of other 
wars. Until recent years there has been no fixed form among 
the nations for declarations of war. In ancient times tradi- 
tion made enemies of the different races, and whenever any 
two members of opposing tribes chanced to m.eet there was a 
battle on the spot, which soon involved the countrymen of 
both. At a later date verbal proclamation through a herald 



THE BELLtGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 267 

was substituted for these forms of defiance. This continued 
to be practised till the sixteenth century, and there are two in- 
stances of it so recent as the middle of the seventeenth century. 

In 1635 Louis XIII sent a herald .to Brussels to 
declare war against Spain, and twenty- two years afterward 
Sweden declared war against Denmark through the mouth of 
a herald sent to Copenhagen. But even prior to this time 
influence had been at work which undermined the old usages. 
After the close of the loo-y ears' war, the civil wars in England, 
the consolidation of the great European states, and, above 
all, the fierce rancor engendered in the religious wars, had all 
contributed to discredit the old forms of feudal chivalry. 
Written declarations were substituted for proclamation by 
heralds, and as early as 1588 the great armada attacked Eng- 
land without declaration at all. The great legal writers 
still lent their support to the older usage, as where Grotius 
declared that the voice of God and nature alike orders men to 
renounce friendship before embarking in war. But, in spite 
of their influence, the practice fell off. 

During the latter part of the sixteenth century the custom 
sprang up, and was generally adopted, of issuing a manifesto 
or notice of the commencement of war, not necessarily to the 
enemy, but to the diplomatic agents of the other nations, who 
were required to observe the laws of neutrality. The opinions 
of the great jurists of this and the last century, since the close 
of the Napoleonic wars in 181 5, have been more equally 
divided on the necessity of declaration. Several of the leading 
continental authorities still maintain that some form of notice 
to the enemy is imperative. Others take the opposite view. 

In neither the war with England in 181 2, nor the war 
with Mexico in 1846, did the United States issue either a 
manifesto or declaration. Of the smaller wars down to 
1870, in which a European power was engaged on one side or 
the other, England's unimportant contest with Persia in 1838 



268 THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 

affords what seems to be a solitary instance of a declaration 
being made. The opium war of 1840, the Italian war of 1847- 
49, the Anglo-Persian war of 1856, as well as the Danish 
struggle about Schleswig-Holstein in 1863, and the war 
between Brazil and Uruguay in the following year, all com- 
menced by acts of hostility, preceded, indeed, in several 
instances by diplomatic notes and manifestoes, but in no case 
heralded by a formal declaration. 

In November, 1853, after prolonged negotiations had 
already taken place, the Ottoman Porte protested against 
Russian claims and intim^ated its intention of going to war. 
To this Emporer Nicholas responded in a very elaborate 
formal declaration. Hostilities did not actually commence till 
November 4th, three days after the Czar's proclamation, of 
which the Sultan had thus time to become aware. Relations 
between the Czar and the English and French Courts became 
more and more strained during the next few weeks. On Feb- 
ruary 8, 1854, the Russian Minister left England. On the 
2 ist, Nicholas issued a manifesto complaining of the unfriendly 
attitude of England and France. On the 27th Captain Black- 
wood was sent to St. Petersburg with an ultimatum, his instruc- 
tions being to wait six days for an answer. Before this time 
had elapsed, the Emperor declined to give any reply, but the 
Russian Foreign Minister stated privately that his master 
v/ould not declare war. 

On March 22nd, a message from the Queen was read in 
the House of Lords, declaring war. On the 31st, according 
to a quaint old custom, the high sheriff and other chief digni- 
taries of London attended in their robes, and proclaimed the 
war from the steps of the Exchange. 

In the Austro-Italian war of 1859, the Eraperor's ulti- 
matum was presented on April 23rd, two days afterward 
Victor Emmanuel announced to the army the outbreak of war, 
and on the 25th operations commenced. 



THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 269 

Our Civil War presents an interesting instance of the 
modern tendency to rely on facts rather than forms. 

As the North never recognized the Southern States as 
being other than rebels, of course they were precluded from 
declaring war against them, but in a way which may be "read- 
ily summ.arized, a state of war came to be recognized as 
having in point of fact supervened on a state of insurrection. 
The Secession movement, which began in South Carolina, 
speedily spread to the other Southern States. Then the first 
shot was fired from the batteries of Fort Sumter on the Star 
of the West attempting to enter Charleston with reinforce- 
ments. Notwithstanding this, Lincoln characterized it as 
insurrectionary. Nine days later Charleston surrendered to 
the Confederates, and war votes were then asked for. Letters 
of marque were issued by the South and a blockade proclaimed 
by the North. Larger war votes were asked, and Mr. 
Seward announced in a letter to the Amxcrican minister at 
Paris that the Government had "accepted the Civil War as 
an inevitable necessity." 

England and France thereupon recognized the rights of 
the South as belligerent states, and issued proclamations of 
neutrality. This action they justified on the ground that, 
although there had been no declaration of war, the credits 
voted and the proclamation of a blockade were facts consistent 
only with a state of war, not of mere insurrection. 

The Seven- Weeks war of 1866 began with the rupture, 
on June 12th, of diplomatic relations between Pnissia and 
Austria, followed on the same day by a declaration of war by 
the former power against Saxony, whose territory was entered 
on June 15th. On June i6th Austria intimated her intention 
of supporting Saxony, and this Prussia interpreted as a declar- 
ation of war. A bellicose manifesto addressed "To My 
Armies" was issued by Emperor Francis Joseph. On June 
22nd, Prince Fritz Carl complained of the violation of the 



270 THE BELLIGERENTS AND THE OTHER POWERS 

Silesian frontier by the Austrians, without any formal declar- 
ation of war. 

This complaint is a curious example of historical retribu- 
tion, a precisely similar protest having been made one hundred 
and twenty years earlier by Austria against the Prussian inva- 
sion of Silesia. The red prince followed up his complaint by 
formally declaring war against Austria, a m.easure which Italy 
had taken days previously. Four years later Prussia was 
again involved in a war which was destined to complete the 
unification of Germany, to which the Seven- Weeks war had 
been the first step. 

On July 15, 1870, it was announced by the French 
ministry that the King of Prussia had refused to receive the 
Emperor's ambassador, and that the German minister was 
preparing to leave Paris. Large war credits were asked, as, • 
in the face of these facts, France could no longer maintain 
peace. On the i6th the slighted French minister reached 
Paris and the Germ.an representative left. France, thereupon, 
with a self-assertion characteristic of the popular feeling of the 
time, issued a declaration of war, a copy of which was handed 
by the charge d'afi^aires at Berlin to Count Bismarck, by whom 
it was laid before the Parliament of the North German Con- 
federation on the 30th. England, on the 19th, had recog- 
nized the existence of war by her proclamation of neutrality. 

Among the struggles of less importance the Ashantee 
war of 1873, "th^ Transvaal war, the French wars, were all 
begun without declaration. In the Egyptian war, Arabi 
Pasha was required, on July 10, 1882, to surrender the forts 
of Alexandria, and on his failure to do so within the timxC speci- 
fied the bom.bardm.ent began. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Korea, the Bone of Contention 

Korea compared with Italy — Its Racial Character — Its Independence Recognized 
— Physical Character of the Country — Dangers of Navigation — Skill of the 
Artisans — The Name of Korea — Seclusion of the People — Population — • 
Russian Expansion — Japanese Colonies — How the Country was Opened — 
The Attack on the Japanese Legation — Treaties of Commerce with Western 
Countries — Reaction — ^Japanese in the Palace — Attack by the Chinese — 
War Prevented by a Treaty — Steps of Progress in Korea — American Enter- 
prise — Russian and Japanese Interests in Korea — The Helpless Position of 
the Koreans — The Weakness of the Government — Perilous Position of the 
Missionaries. 

KOREA is a part of the Asiatic continent, but extends 
as a peninsula between China's inland seas and the 
Sea of Japan, very much as Italy lies between the 
Mediterranean and the Adriatic. It is about six hundred 
miles in length, and one hundred and thirty-five miles wide 
from sea to sea. The position of Seoul, the capital, may be 
compared to that of RomxC, which is half way between the 
north and the south of Italy. Korea, however, is but a 
truncated Italy; in the north it has no valley of the Po, 
no rich Lombardy and Venetia, albeit it has a sort of equiva- 
lent of the Alps in a mountain barrier reaching from the Sea 
of Japan to the Yellow Sea, from the port of Vladivostok 
to Port Arthur. These Korean Alps are covered with 
woods and snow, and rise to the height of nearly ten thousand 
feet. Italy has always been a battlefield of nations, and 
has long been subdivided into kingdoms, duchies and prin- 
cipalities. Two races only have established themselves in 
Korea — the Mongol or Manchu race, the continental race; 
and the Malay or Japanese, the island race. Korea has 

271 



272 KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 

from time immemorial formed a single kingdom, and has 
been inhabited by a single nation, a single race, formed 
from the union of two races. The continental element has, 
however, been predominant; poHtically and religiously, the 
Korean people have lived under the discipline of China as a 
vassal state ever since the end of the fourteenth century. 
It has been a kingdom of mandarins, though it had its own 
monarch and its autonomy; it had to pay an annual tribute 
to China and to render annual homage to the suzerian Empe- 
ror of China, with all the forms of an old ceremonial. A 
somewhat similar relation existed with Japan, by which it 
had been conquered early in the Christian era. 

After the war between Japan and China, this state 
of things was altered. The first article of the Treaty of 
Shimonoseki reads thus: 

''China recognizes definitively the entire independence 
and autonomy of Korea; and, in consequence, the payment 
of tribute and performance by Korea with regard to China 
of ceremonies and formaHties in derogation'' of this inde- 
pendence and this autonomy will cease completely in ^future." 

As for Japan, it was careful not to stipulate at the same 
time its own renunciation of the rights which it .had long 
claimed over Korea as a result of its ancient conquest. 

The Hermit Kingdom enjoys a geographical position 
of positively romantic charm. The coast is beautiful and 
perilous; unnumbered shipwrecks have testified to Nature's 
jealous guardianship of a people which for centuries dreaded 
intercourse with the outside world as it might have dreaded 
the plague. On both its east and west seaboard coasts, its 
shores rise in precipitous mountains, and are flanked by 
numerous uninhabited and desolate rocky islands. On the 
east of the southern promontory there is the one port of 
Fusan, opposite Shimonoseki, Japan. It was by this port the 
Japanese were wont of old to make predatory incursions 



KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 273 

into the country. It is now one of the few ports opened by 
treaty to Japanese trade. From it there is a road leading 
direct to the capital, through the provinces of Julia and 
Giungsang, between which provinces' the road runs between 
high, precipitous, and unscalable mountains; and the path 
is there so narrow that one man can block it. Here the 
Chinese and Japanese armies confronted each other, nearly 
three centuries ago, neither being able to damage the other. 
A railroad is in process of construction between these two 
cities. 

The coast, for full sixty miles northeast of Fusan, is a 
mountainous and desert region; but the shores in the vicinity 
of this port are populous and covered with many villages, on 
the banks of the numerous streams which here flow into the 
sea. The beautifully clear waters of the wide and deep Yalu 
separate Korean from Manchurian soil, along its course 
from its source in Chang-bai-shan to the point where it falls 
into the Yellow Sea. The Tumen, also rising in the high- 
lands of Chang-bai-shan, separates the northern border of 
Korea from both Chinese and Russian Territory. The Japan 
Sea divides it from Japan, and the Yellow Sea washes its 
south and southwest coasts. The interior is essentially a 
land of mountains and navigable rivers, the principal moun- 
tain chain running south from Chang-bai-shan, in a direction 
%t right angles to that great watershed of eastern Asia. East 
Df the lower Yalu is the high, serrated, and extensive range 
of Bengma, affording almost boundless forest shelter to 
innumerable gam^^e, large and sm^all; fowl and quadruped, 
ruminant and carnivorous. The nooks and comers of the 
Gumgang range to the east are crowded with numerous and 
well-filled temples or monasteries — the monks of the East 
having for many centuries been as fully alive to the grand 
and the beautiful, indeed perhaps more so, than their 
monastic brethren of the West. 

z8 



274 KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 

On the eastern coast of Korea the tides are estimated 
at from two to six feet, but on the western coast, in the Yellow 
Sea, they rise from eighteen to thirty feet. There are about 
three thousand miles of seacoast line, and the country is 
bounded on the south and west by a large number of islands, 
which constitute a beautiful and picturesque archipelago. 
Navigation is dangerous because of the tremendous currents 
and counter-currents among the islands, and also because 
of the fogs which settle over the Yellow Sea during certain 
months of the year. The seas and estuaries swarm with 
enormous quantities of excellent fish in great variety; but 
the Koreans themselves are either too timid or too lazy to 
follow the sea for a livelihood, and the fishermen of that 
country are crowded out by the Japanese, who net and cure 
immense quantities of fish, which are dried and salted and 
sent into the interior of Korea and exported to Japan. The 
chmate of Korea is delightful, as a rule. Generally, it is 
similar to that of the mountain regions of North Carolina. 

The people have profited by the vicinity of China, and 
have made considerable progress in the arts. Three centu- 
ries or more ago they were able to build ships two htmdred 
feet long and covered with thin plates of iron. They were 
also skillful in m^etal-work, in weaving, in pottery and the 
making of jewels, and Japan owes the introduction of these 
arts to Korean artisans. The Koreans are descibed as a 
robust people, amiable and pleasure-loving, kindly and gen- 
erous, and not natively inclined to war. They are described 
by a recent writer as " peculiarly proficient in the art of doing 
nothing gracefully." Their main occupation is agriculture, 
the soil being fertile and well tilled. Rice, barley, wheat, 
and various vegetables and fruits are grown, and cattle, 
horses, pigs, and poultry kept, but sheep and goats are not 
raised. 

The name Korea, or Corea, is derived from the Gaogowli 



KOREA. THE BONE OF CONTENTION 275 

of the beginning of the Christian era. The first syllable was 
ultimately dropped, and the kingdom was known as Gaoli 
even before the seventh century. The descendants of those 
who survived the wholesale butcheries of the Tang empress 
Woo, pronounce this nam.e Gori, which name was, a couple 
of centuries ago, written Korea in the West. The Koreans 
now call themselves the Gori people, but have long given 
the name Chosen — the ancient Chaosien — to their country. 
In 1297 this nam.e was changed to Dai Han or Tai Han, and 
the King of Korea assumed the title of Emporer, to indicate 
his equality to the rulers of China, Japan and Russia. The 
Koreans have for long centuries been subject to invasion 
from the Chinese and Mongols on the west and south and the 
Japanese on the east, the invasions from Japan already 
spoken of being matched by others from China. The first 
of these was in the second century B. C, and there were 
others of later date, the land being overrun and conquered, 
but not held. The only modern evidence of these conquests 
is the tribute which Korea has long paid. 

Inhabited by a people whose traditions run back for 
several thousand years, the "Land of the Morning Calm," 
which is one of the poetical titles of Korea, has for ages been 
inhabited by a race of people living in the most profound 
seclusion and the deepest superstition. Out of its many tribal 
wars and invasions Korea gradually evolved a single king- 
dom, bringing its many units under definite control, and has 
maintained for centuries a more or less composite and stable 
authority. Under a dynasty that has occupied the throne 
for five hundred years, the people successfully resisted alien 
influences; but at last they are awakening to a better under- 
standing of what civilization means. Of course their gains 
are accompanied by some losses. The introduction of Western 
inventions to Korea has gradually eliminated from contem- 
porary Korean life many customs which, associated with the 



276 KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 

people and their traditions from time immemorial, imparted 
much of the repose and picturesqueness which so long dis- 
tinguished the little kingdom. 

Korea has but a small population — probably only ten 
millions of inhabitants; a number which represents about 
one hundred inhabitants per square mile. Japan is looking 
to Korea as an outlet for her ever-increasing population; 
she has about forty-five millions of inhabitants, and the rate 
of increase is very great. It is natural that Japan should, 
on account of its proximity and of the character of its popu- 
lation, consider Korea a suitable land for the creation of 
colonies. Russia, on her part, has been considering Siberia 
and the Far East as an outlet for her population, already 
go large, and which will soon attain formidable numbers. 
The Siberian Railroad, the occupation of Manchuria, and 
the acquisition of Vladivostok and of Port Arthur on the 
Japan and Chinese Seas, are visible signs of the move- 
ment of Russia's expansion; with this difference between 
the Russian colonies and the Japanese: the first may be 
called military colonies, the second really colonies of popu- 
lations given to all the arts of peace. The land of Japan 
proper no longer suffices for its inhabitants, and the 
population increases every year by 400,000 souls. Since 
1598, after the close of Japan's second war with Korea, 
there have been Japanese colonies in that land; there were 
in 1903 from 20,000 to 30,000 Japanese established there, 
with their families. This emigration, concentrated at first 
in the ports, spread widely over the country; and it would 
rapidly augment if it were not for the deplorable administra- 
tion and tyranny of the Korean officials. Of the character 
and methods of the Japanese in Korea, mention has been 
made in preceding chapters. 

The title of "Hermit Kingdom" well expresses the posi- 
tion of the Korean realm until quite recent times, it remain- 



KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 277 

ing closely sealed against intercotirse with foreigners of all 
nations until 1876. In 1866 an American trading schooner 
called the General Sherman had been destroyed by the Kore- 
ans, and her crew and passengers murdered. A man-of-war, 
the Wachusett, was sent to obtain satisfaction, but failed to 
do so. In 1870 a small American expedition again appeared 
and while negotiations were in progress the Koreans fired 
upon a surveying party. Thereupon the American com- 
mander landed his troops upon the island of Kiang Hwa, 
destroyed five Korean forts, routed the army, killing three 
hundred men, and then retired, with the result that Korea 
was more firmly closed against foreigners than ever, though 
the United States had taught it a lesson that was likely to 
affect its future action. 

The young king, now the Emperor Heui Yi, came of age 
in 1873, ^^^ succeeded his cruel and conservative father. 
In 1875 some sailors from a Japanese man-of-war were fired 
upon while drawing water at Kiang Hwa. In reprisal the 
Japanese captain destroyed a fort and killed a number of 
Koreans, and his government followed up the incident by 
sending a fleet under General Kuroda to demand satisfaction 
and offer the Koreans the alternative of a treaty of commerce 
or a war. The former was chosen, China, on being appealed 
to by the Koreans, refusing — as she had done on several 
similar occasions — to have an}i;hing to do with the action 
of her nominal vassal. A treaty was therefore signed on 
February 26, 1876, between Korea and Japan, and from this 
moment dates the opening of Korea to foreign intercourse. 
On this occasion, too, the suzerainty of China was formally 
set aside, without any protests on her part — indeed, with 
her express recognition, since she refused to interfere. Article 
I. of this treaty reads as follows: "Chosen being an inde- 
pendent State enjoys the same sovereign rights as Japan." 
Chemulpo, Fusan, and Won-san were opened by this treaty 
to Japanese trade. 



278 Korea, the bone oe coyrENiioN 

The king himself was in favor of extending the same 
privileges to other nations at their request, but the conserva- 
tive party prevented him. In 1882 fresh overtures were made 
by foreign nations, and the reactionaries took alarm. Led 
by a "scholar" named Pe I^o-kuan, an insuiTection broke 
out in Seoul, directed chief!)'' against the Japanese, as the 
promoters of foreign intercourse. Several members of the 
Japanese Legation were murdered in the streets, the legation 
itself was attacked, and Consul Hanabusa and his staff were 
at last compelled to cut their way through the mob and make 
for the palace, where they hoped to find refuge. Here, how- 
ever, the gates were shut against them, so they fought their 
way out of the city with the greatest pluck, and walked all 
night to Chemulpo, where, to escape violence, they put to 
sea in a native boat. Fortunately the British surveying 
vessel, the Flying Fish, saw them, and conveyed them to 
Nagasaki. This happened in July, 1882. Of course the 
Japanese government took instant action, but with great 
moderation began by merely sending Mr. Hanabusa back to 
Seoul with a strong escort to demand reparation. This was 
abjectly offered, and a Chinese force which arrived with 
unusual promptitude suppressed the rebellion, executed a 
number of the leaders, and caused their mangled bodies to 
be publicly exposed. A sum of 500,000 dollars was accepted 
by the Japanese as indemnity, but was subsequently forgiven 
to Korea in consequence of her inability to pay it. Next 
year treaties with Korea were concluded by the United States, 
France, England, and Germany, and since that date the 
Hermit Kingdom has been open to the commerce of the world. 

The result of this was to bring on an era of violence in 
Japan, the revolutionary party showing its hand in 1885 i^ 
an attempt to murder Ming Yong-ik, a nobleman who was 
bitterly opposed to foreign intercourse. The leaders of the 
revolutionists proceeded to the palace, secured the person 



KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENriON 279 

of the king— who seems to have been in sympath}^ with 
them — and sent word to the Japanese minister, asking for 
1 guard to protect the royal person. A detachment of 130 
Japanese soldiers was accordingly sent, and the party in 
control executed five of the conservative ministers. This 
brought about a reaction, supported by the Chinese, 2,000 
of whose troops marched to the palace and fired on the Jap- 
anese guard. The latter held their own, but to prevent 
further bloodshed the king put himself in the hands of the 
Chinese. As a result the Japanese retired, and, finding them- 
selves surrounded by enemies, fought their way through 
the streets and walked as before to Chemulpo, where they 
chartered a steamer and returned to Japan. 

This affair nearly brought on war between China and 
Japan, but the difficulty was finally settled by diplomacy, 
and a treaty was signed, in which China agreed to withdraw 
her troops from Korea and to punish the officers who had 
made the attack on the Japanese. Either nation was to 
have the right to send troops there to preserve order, but 
when order was restored such troops were to be withdrawn. 
It was the disregard of the terms of this treaty by China in 
the case of the revolt of 1894 that brought on the war between 
China and Japan already described. 

In regard to the results of foreign intercourse during 
the short period since Japan opened her ports to the world, 
a brief extract from the recent work by Angus Hamilton, 
entitled "Korea," may suffice as evidence of their pronounced 
character : — 

"The old order is giving way to the new. So quickly 
has the population learned to appreciate the results of foreign 
intercourse that in a few more years it will be difficult to 
find in Seoul any remaining link with the capital of yore. 
The changes have been somewhat radical. The introduction 
of telegraphy has miade it unnecessary to signal nightly the 



28o KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 

safety of the kingdom by beacons from the crests of the 
mountains. The gates are no longer closed at night ; no more 
does the evening bell clang sonorously throughout the city 
at sunset, and the runners before the chairs of the officials 
have for some time ceased to announce in strident voices the 
passing of their masters. Improvements which have been 
wrought also in the condition of the city — in its streets and 
houses, in its sanitary measures and in its methods of com- 
munication — have replaced these ancient customs. An excel- 
lent and rapid train runs from Chemulpo; electric trams 
afford quick transit within and beyond the capital; even 
electric lights illuminate by night some parts of the chief city 
of the Hermit Kingdom. Moreover, an aqueduct is men- 
tioned; the police force has been reorganized; drains have 
come and evil odors have fled. 

"Reforms in education have also taken place; schools 
and hospitals have been opened; banks, foreign shops and 
agencies have sprung up; a factory for the manufacture of 
porcelain ware is in operation; and the number and variety 
of the religions with which foreign missionaries are wooing 
the people are as amazing and complex as in China. The 
conduct of educational affairs is arranged upon a basis which 
now gives every facility for the study of foreign subjects. 
Special schools for foreign languages, conducted by the gov- 
ernment under the supervision of foreign teachers, have 
been instituted. Indeed, most striking changes have been 
miade in the curriculum of the common schools of the city. 
Mathematics, geography, history, besides foreign languages, 
are all subjects in the courses of these establishments, and 
only lately a special school of survey under foreign direction 
has been opened. The enlightenment which is thus spread- 
ing throughout the lower classes cannot fail to secure some 
eventual modification of the views and sentiments by which 
the upper classes regard the progress of the country. As a 



KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 281 

sign of the times, it is worthy to note that several native 
newspapers have been started; while the increase of business 
has created the necessity for improved facilities in financial 
transactions." 

It is of interest to learn of the pronounced activity of 
Americans in Korean affairs. Their trade is said to be very 
important, " composite in its character, carefully considered, 
protected by the influence of the minister, supported by the 
energies of the American missionaries, and controlled by two 
firms, whose knowledge of the wants of Korea is just forty- 
eight hours ahead of the realization of that want by the 
Korean." In Seoul the electric car company, the electric 
light company and the water company have all been created 
by American enterprise. It was an American who secured 
the concession for the Seoul-Chemulpo Railway, and subse- 
quently sold it to the Japanese company, which is now in 
control. The French and the Belgians are both active. 
The German colony is said to be small and insignificant. 
The position of the English is characterized as " destitute 
of any great commercial or political significance." 

The difficulties between Japan and Russia had their 
origin in a confiict of personal interests in 1897. Korea had 
become the field of many enterprising companies; it was 
thought that its gold mines, its petroleum, its forests, could 
be used and become attractions for European capital. In 
1897 a Russian company obtained the concession of immense 
forests in the valleys of the Tumen and the Yalu; it was the 
time when Russia and Japan had signed a protocol which, 
so to speak, divided Korea between them. When a second 
protocol was signed, which delivered Korea completely to 
Japanese enterprise, it was thought that the Russian conces- 
sion of 1897 would be practically abandoned; but in 1901 a 
Russian mission was formed, which appeared in 1902 in the 
valley of the Yalu, marked the trees in the forest, and pre- 



282 KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 

pared for their systematic cutting. This mission established 
itself in a Korean city, where foreigners have no right to 
reside, built a telegraphic line, and made plans for a railway 
which should unite the Yalu River to the railway lines of 
Manchuria. It obtained in August, 1903, the monopoly of the 
log-rafting on the Yalu, and a piece of land at Yongampo, 
and, as already stated, soon manifested an intention to assume 
military control of the district. 

The Emperor of Korea had not a word to say to all this, 
but the minister of Japan naturally claimed similar advan- 
tages for his own country, and, among others, the opening of 
Wiju, the port of the Yalu. A constant struggle for influence 
began, and the relations of Japan and Russia became more 
and more tense. The Japanese asked for the opening of all 
the ports and the cities still shut against foreigners ; for rail- 
ways, telegraphs, administrative reforms. The Russians, on 
their side, fortified more and more their position in Manchuria, 
and indicated a growing desire for possession of the land 
which separated Vladivostok from Port Arthur. Such was 
the state of affairs in the years preceding the war between 
these two countries, whose immediate preliminaries are 
elsewhere dealt with at length. 

The position of Korea in regard to the disputed questions 
Mr, Hamilton describes as a hopeless one. Unfortunately, 
the government of Korea is powerless to prevent either the 
advance of Russia or the steady spread of Japanese influence. 
She possesses neither army nor navy which can be put to any 
practical use, and she is in that position in which a country is 
placed when unable to raise its voice upon its own behalf. 
The army numbers a few thousand men, who in the last few 
years have been trained to the use of European weapons. 
They are armed with the Gras (obsolete pattern), Murata, 
Martini and a variety of muzzle-loading, smooth-bore rifles. 
Their shooting powers are most indifferent, and they lack 



KOREA, THE BONE OF CONTENTION 283 

besides the qualities of courage and discipline. There is 
no artillery, and the cavalry arm is confined to a few hundred 
men, with no knowledge of horse -mastership and with no idea 
of their weapons or their duties. At a moment of emergency 
the entire force of mounted and dismounted men would 
become utterly demoralized. There are numerous general 
officers, while the navy is composed of twenty-three admirals 
and one iron-built coal lighter, until quite lately the property 
of a Japanese steamship company. 

Of the man who might do something materially to better 
the condition of his people, the emperor, Mr. Hamilton 
speaks with blended approval and criticism. Nominally, it 
seems, this ruler enjoys the prerogative and independence of 
an autocrat, but " in reality he is in the hands of that party 
whose intrigues for the time being may have given them the 
upper hand," and while he often lends his support to reforms, 
he devotes himself, on the whole, willingly enough to the 
corrupt and extravagant life of a court in which unscrupulous 
leaders, both men and women, stand doggedly for reactionary 
measures. For the future of Korea a radical change in the 
character of the government, or its control by one of the 
nations which have made it a seat of war, would seem to be 
necessary. Under present conditions its regeneration must 
be a slow, perhaps a hopeless, problem. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Position of the Chinese 

A Fight for China — Chinese Sympathy for Japan — The Helpless Empire — Rus- 
sian Help — Li Hung Chang and Russia — Port Arthur taken from Japan by 
Russia — The Slav Secures Manchuria — Massacre of Chinese — China Loses 
Faith. 

ONE of the most competent observers, Henry Norman, 
confidently annonnced that the war was fundament- 
ally a fight for permanent influence over, and final 
ownership of, China. That cotmtry, as large as the United 
States, containing more than six times as many inhabitants, 
was fully as rich a prize as any nation could strive for. With 
great unexhausted natural resources, and a dense population 
of industrious labor, the eventual ownership of China prom- 
ised to the victor greater spoils than even the conquest of 
India gave to England. China's feelings, nevertheless, were 
not much considered. Though two hostile armies were 
battling on her threshold, soil which belonged to her, she 
was not strong enough to put them to the door. Centuries 
of corruption had weakened the central government and 
given her piecemeal into the power of her mandarins. Hav- 
ing long held the foreigner out by persistently keeping the 
door closed, once he had seen her weakness, he took prac- 
tically what he pleased. Thus England, Germany and 
France had gained footholds; thus Russia, up to this time 
the most powerful influence at Peking, had gained the lion's 
share and appropriated Manchuria. 

At the outbreak of hostilities Chinese troops were dis- 
co\ered massed conveniently near the Great Wall. Though 
984 



POSITION OF THE CHINESE 285 

the empire declared itself neutral it expressly excepted respon- 
sibility for certain "provinces occupied by European troops." 
The Japanese had suddenly gained ascendency at her court 
and, in spite of the Chino- Japanese war of ten years before, 
nearly all Chinese prayed for victory on the Japanese arms. 
Their early victories were celebrated in Peking with fireworks 
and posters, and in- New York the Chinese quarter was 
decorated in honor of the gallant attack on Port Arthur. 
In all the disorder, nevertheless, it was felt that the shrewd 
Dowager Empress had an intention to watch less apathetically 
than usual for China's opportunity. What it was, no one 
felt ready to say. Possibly a recognition of the fact that 
the East must make a stand against the West, or be over- 
whelmed; perhaps for revenge on Russia; possibly to regain 
the lost province, Manchuria, which the samovar and the 
railroad were fast tying to Siberia. 

Nothing but a war could ever recover as much as this, 
for the yielding process has been going on for a long time. 
So long ago as the seventeenth centur}'- Russian travelers and 
generals invaded, by no means always successfully, the Amur 
region, and in 1686 the treaty of Nerchinsk was signed, by 
which the upper Shilka was ceded to Russia, and the posses- 
sion of the Amur basin was affirmed entirely to China. So 
matters remained for nearly two centuries, except that Rus- 
sian adventurers located themselves on the coast line and 
that Muravieff, the governor of eastern Siberia, found a way 
for himself down the Amiur to the sea, contrary to every 
stipulation. During the allied invasion of north China in 
i860, however, advantage was taken of the prostrate condi- 
tion of China to make a substantial advance. By a treaty 
concluded between the two powers it was agreed that "the 
left banks of the river Amur, from the river Argoun to its 
source, shall belong to the Emperor of Russia, and its right 
bank down to the Ussuri to China. The territorv situated 



286 POSITION OF THE CHINESE 

between the river Ussuri and the sea, as up to the present, 
shall be possessed in common by the empires of China and 
Russia, until the frontier between the two states shall be 
defined." 

This joint occupation of territory was a common Russian 
prelude^ to absorption. It was adopted in the Japanese 
island of Saghalien. As it was with Saghalien, so it was 
with the territory between the Ussuri and the sea, extending 
southward from the Amur River to the northern boundary 
of Korea. 

This was a large mouthful for Russia to assimilate. The 
distance from Europe was great, and much careful adminis- 
tration was necessary in order to convert the existing villages 
and ports into towns and places of arms. Under the foster- 
ing care oi the government of the province, Vladivostok 
developed into a strong citadel, and with much care Russia 
so protected herself in her new possessions as to be practically 
safe from all attack on the side of China. For a generation 
matters of construction occupied the attention of the Rus- 
sians to the exclusion of all others, and it was not until peace 
was declared at the end of the Chino- Japanese war that 
she again made her political existence felt. Li Hung Chang, 
in his negotiations with the Japanese plenipotentiaries, had 
agreed to cede Japan the Liao-tung peninsula, including Port 
Arthur. At once, as though by a prearranged plan, Russia, 
having France and Germany at her back, came forward with 
an objection and insisted that the possession of that position 
by Japan "would not only constitute a constant menace to 
the capital of China," but also that " it would render the inde- 
pendence of Korea illusory. ' " So urgent were the allied pow- 
ers in this protest that Japan deemed it wise to yield, and for 
some counterbalancing advantages she restored to China 
her legitimate spoils of war. This action on the part of 
Russia was the first intimation to the outer world that while 



POSITION OF THE CHINESE 287 

silently consolidating her new possessions in the north she had 
been incubating plans of future conquest. 

But if Russia had been slow in maturing her plans she 
now showed a restless activity in developing them. Fortu- 
nately for her, Li Hung Chang was in power at Peking at the 
time, and through the good offices of that venal statesman 
she was confidently assured that *a^y proposals she might 
make would receive a favorable hearing at the Tsung-li-yamen. 
By these occult means she obtained the right to construct a 
railway from a point on her Siberian frontier to Vladivostok, 
through Chinese Manchuria, and coupled with this right all 
the privileges pertaining to it. But the master-stroke was 
yet to come. With a cynical disregard for past professions 
and assurances she took possession, nominally on a lease, of 
Port Arthur, the position from which she had ousted the 
Japanese, in full defiance of political considerations which 
she had before solemnly protested had been the sole motive 
of her earlier action. 

Even this political outrage, however, did not arouse the 
politicians at Peking, who added to the Russians the right of 
connecting Port Arthur by railway with the Siberian system. 
In Japan, however, the act created widespread indignation, 
and was naturally regarded as a gross injustice and insult 
to her as a nation. Of course the occupation was accom- 
panied by the inevitable assurance by which it was affirmed 
that Russia had no intention of infringing on the rights of 
Chinese sovereignty. And saying this she immediately began 
to infringe those rights by virtually appropriating all districts 
and cities through which the railway passed. This masterful 
action of the Russians was too open and palpable to make 
them popular among the people of the country, and on the 
outbreak of the Boxer movement this feeling found vent in 
repeated attacks on the Russians by bands of local militia 
more or less organized. To crush this rebellious action Russia 



288 POSITION OF THE CHINESE 

determined to make a signal example of her power in truly 
Oriental fashion. 

Blagovestchensk happened to be the place where events 
culminated in this display of vengeance. It was admitted 
that the Chinese had fired on isolated Russians, and as the 
garrison was small in numbers compared with its possible 
assailants the command^t issued orders that the Chinese 
residents in the town were to cross the Amur to the Chinese 
shore. But means of transporting them were not at hand and 
with callous brutality the Chinese were driven into the waters 
of the river, were either drowned in their attempts to cross or 
were shot down on their trying to recover the bank. In this 
murderous outrage several thousands of Chinese perished, and 
the deed naturally left a bitter memory among the survivors. 

With the death of Li Hung Chang, Russian influence 
at Peking waned, and that of Japan increased greatly. It is 
a notable feature of Chinese idiosyncrasies that they always 
take as their models the latest enemies by whom they have 
been vanquished, and just as they placed themselves at the 
feet of English and French instructors after the war of i860, 
so at the conclusion of peace with Japan they sought to 
imitate the institutions and methods of their conquerors. 
A visit of Count I to to Peking at this time accentuated the 
movement, and since then Japanese instructors have drilled 
and armed the Chinese troops, and have been accepted as 
authorities on all scientific and learned subjects. These were 
approximately the positions of the two powers at the court 
of Peking when war began. From the time when death 
removed Li Hung Chang from the counsels of the Dowager 
Empress passing events had forced upon her the conviction 
that the precious assurances of Russian diplomatists were 
too often falsified by the event, and that the outcome of the 
past series of negotiations relating to Manchuria had resulted 
in that important territory being virtually wrested from the 
Chinese crown. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

Germany's Sympathetic Silence 

Understanding With Russia — The Kaiser and the Czar — Germans Hold Russian 
Bonds — Enigma of the United States — German Money in Kiao-Chau — 
Foreign Policy — Increasing Strength of the Triple Alliance — The Herero War 
— The Colonial Empire — Home Expenses. 

THERE were not a few students of the grouping of Euro- 
pean powers about the two opponents, who beHeved 
the sympathies of the German government, as well as 
of the army and navy circles, to be with Russia in this war. 
It will be remembered that Germany joined Russia and France 
at the close of the Chino-Japanese war, in 1894, in wresting 
from Japan nearly all the spoils of her victory. Since then 
on a number of occasions the Teutons more or less favored 
Russia in her aggressive Far- Asian policy. This has been part 
and parcel of an amicable understanding which was the per- 
sonal work of the Kaiser and the Czar. If it had not been for 
this understanding, we might say, Germany would not have 
been permitted to enjoy quiet possession and exploitation of 
the colony of Kiao-Chun and of its hinterland, the province 
of Shan-tung, with its population of 38,000,000, its fine ccal 
and iron deposits and its other sources of wealth, m.ade avail- 
able since by the completed railroad. Russia on her part 
would have had to deal, besides the opposition to her policy 
in Far Asia on the part of Great Britain, the United States and 
Japan, with that of Germany as well, which would have ren- 
dered its pursuance a m^atter of extreme difficulty. This 
understanding between Russia and Germany affected Man- 
churia as well. Germany gave there a carte blanche to Russia, 
19 289 



290 GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 

on the plea that German political or commercial interests were 
in no wise involved. 

The key to this pro-Russian policy in Far Asia, however, 
is found not only in the facts above mentioned, but also, and 
to a considerable extent, in the pleasant personal relations 
between the Kaiser and Nicholas II., and, furthermore, in 
the close commercial relations obtaining between the two 
countries, for Russia has been one of Germany's best cus- 
tomers. Germany had the largest percentage of her foreign 
trade, amounting to a matter of $200,000,000, exports and 
imports about evenly divided. 

These are the main tangible interests which secured for 
Russia the sympathies of official Germany in her 'struggle with 
Japan. There were a few others, not so apparent, but just as 
potent. One of them was that German capitalists owned 
large blocks of Russian securities, amounting altogether to 
about $500,000,000. Depreciation of them by R.ussian defeat 
would be inevitable; indeed, Japan's naval successes imme- 
diately produced this effect. Lastly, the ruling classes, from 
government circles downward, with a fellow-feeling for Rus- 
sian autocratic methods, looked upon a politically strong 
Russia as strengthening authority in Germany herself, thus 
serving as a sort of barrier against the growing tide of socialism. 

All of which is tantamount to saying that the Liberal 
circles of Germany did not sympathize with Russia, and 
looked upon the contingency of Russian victory as detri- 
mental to all they themselves aim at. It is, indeed, easily 
susceptible of proof that Russia and the close affiliations of late 
years sustained with her were held by all the liberal minds in 
Germany as strong means of strengthening that unfortunate 
trend toward autocracy and the ignoring of constitutional and 
parliamentary limits placed on the Kaiser and his Cabinet On 
the other hand, Russia's ultimate defeat would make in favor 
of a revival of liberalism in the Prussian kingdom. 



GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 291 

It would be an error, though, to suppose, that Gern^any 
meant to interfere or intervene, one way or the other, in the 
war and its prospective results. She did not consider her 
interests seriously enough involved to make the expenditure 
of blood and treasure advisable. Personally, William IL 
would regret deeply Russian defeat. As regards the nation, 
the outcome of the war, no matter which side might win, 
would leave Germany's position in China and throughout Far 
Asia much the same. At least that is what was surmised. 
There was only one serious factor of uncertainty to disturb 
the calculations. Its name is the United States, and :'ts chief 
representative the Secretary of State, Mr. John Hay. " What 
will he be up to next?" was the inquiry on many lips. Dark 
forebodings were in the minds of the jingo party. Som^e of 
their organs, such as the Kreuz Zeitung, the Colonial Zeitung^ 
and the Deutsche Zeitung gave vent to these fears. They dis- 
cussed the question in advance to foil Mr. Hay and Great 
Britain if Germany should be asked to withdraw from Kiao- 
Chau or to confine her efforts within the narrow limits of the 
colony itself. Some hints to that effect appear to have been 
dropped in the correspondence between Baron von Sternberg, 
ambassador in Washington, and the Foreign Office in Berlin, 

To show the importance attached by the German govern- 
ment to Kiao-Chua, it is only necessary to mention a few facts. 
The railroad company formed to construct a road between 
Kiao-Chau and the provincial capital of Shan-tung, Tsi-nan-fu, 
consisted of German capitalists backed by the Deutsche Bank 
in Berlin, with capital involved of $75,000,000, and 400 miles 
of road. Up to the time of the war one-half of the road had 
been completed, throwing open to rail communication the won- 
derfully rich mines of coal, both anthracite and bituminous, 
and iron located midway. The remaining half was to be fin- 
ished within a twelvemonth. The coal obtained was of excel- 
lent quality, suitable for war vessels and the merchant m^arine 



292 GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 

in Chinese waters. Brought to the pit mouth at an expense to 
the ton of less than $1.50, and dehvered in Tsing-tau (tl'.e 
most important city within the Kiao-Chau colony proper) by 
railway at $2.10, it was sold to vessels at from $5 to $6.50. 
The iron ore sm.elted was of similarly fine quality, and used 
largely for building purposes, both within the colony and in 
the neighboring cities of Shang-tung. When the railroad 
shall have reached Tsi-nan-fu, the availability of this ircn 
will have been greatly enlarged. All this mining region had 
been brought under the control of German capital, som-ething 
like $10,000,000 having been invested, with $20,000,000 or 
$30,000,000 more in prospect. But this is onl}^ part of the 
tangible value attaching to this colony. Germany ccunted 
on making a second Hong-Kong, not out of the harbor of Kiao- 
Chau, but out of Tsing-tau, a town possessing all the natural 
advantages for rapid development that could be desired. 
Again, with Kiao-Chau to serve as a base and lever, very much 
as the Philippines serve the United States for enlarging her 
sphere of influence in Far Asia, all that Germany asked so 
far as concerned Far Asia, was to be let alone. 

In view of the friendly attitude shown by Germany to 
Russia after the outbreak of the war with Japan, political 
circles were more than puzzled by the persistent flirtaticns 
going on between Russia on the one side and France and Erg- 
land on the other. Certainly, a drawing together of France 
and England has nothing abnormal in it, as we have shown in 
a preceding chapter. Quite otherwise with Russia. 

Germany's foreign policy is largely bui^t up on the belief 
that a lasting peace between England and Russia is impossible ; 
or, if maintained, can only be maintained at the expense cf 
one or the other. This is one of the main paragraphs in the 
creed of the German governing circles. Furthermore, it has 
always been held that England's foreign policy is made, not 
by her sovereign, but by her leading statesman and the body 



GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 293 

of advisers chosen by him from the predominant pohtical 
party. This theory held good throughout the sixty years' 
reign of the late Queen Victoria. And then, in the year 1904, 
with EngHsh Parhamentary government apparently in its 
very zenith, it seemed as if "personal government" — that is, 
monarchic government — were once more to prevail in Eng- 
land. King Edward VII. appeared to be demonstrating this, 
and, strange to say, to the satisfaction of the great body of 
Englishmen themselves. At least he was credited, both by 
the French and English press, with bringing about, first, closer 
and distinctly friendly relations with France, and with efforts 
to effect a similar reconciliation with Russia. How much — 
or, rather, how little — of this is true, must be matter of con- 
jecture for all those not in the secret. And of those who are 
really in the secret, not one so far has spoken out. But this 
much appears to be beyond question, that attempts were 
being made to effect a sort of understanding on disputed points 
between England and Russia. 

As to the reported "growing isolation of Germany" 
neither the Kaiser nor the imperial chancellor. Count von 
Billow, lost any sleep over such an assumption. Events have 
shown that the Triple Alliance was stronger than it ever was. 
Again, Spain had been admitted into it, or virtually so. That 
point was settled at a personal interview between the Kaiser, 
the young King of Spain, and his leading statesmen, on board 
the Kaiser's Hohenzollern, within a Spanish harbor. Wil- 
liam II. 's Mediterranean trip accomplished this much. Then, 
as to Russia, Germany continued to believe that while she 
might be willing at this juncture in her political affairs to 
listen to the siren voice of England, inasmuch as to do so 
relieved her of some unquiet moments, she would, after the 
,war, resume her well-tried tactics in Asia, tactics always, 
directly or indirectly, directed against England's interests 
here. 



294 GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 

But at the rnoment Germany was less concerned with the 
war in Far Asia than with a war of her own, small though it 
was. This refers, of course, to the rebellion of the native 
tribes in German Southwest Africa, the backbone of the 
rising being that of the Hereros. It was the first colonial war 
of serious dimensions she had on her hands, and hence the 
novelty of the situation and inexperience in this line invested 
events in that large colony with something of the same interest 
which the rebellion in the Philippines excited throughout the 
United States. The theatre of war was unfavorable for Ger- 
man troops and for regular warfare. There are only two 
small railroads, altogether with an extent of a few hundred 
miles, and this within a country more than twice as large as 
Germany, with immense arid steppes, an absence of navigable 
rivers, a sparse population, and few towns or other places of 
supply. Besides all that, the home government, as well as 
the army authorities, committed the blunder of undervaluing 
both the enemy and these difficulties. The military rein- 
forcements sent out to conquer or destroy the rebellious 
natives, instead of being six thousand, as had been advised 
by the governor of German Southwest Africa, Colonel Leut- 
wein, were only one thousand strong, and additional rein- 
forcements had to be dispatched later. The chief belligerents 
there, the Hereros, proved to be men of much more mettle 
than had been suspected to be the case. Small bodies of 
troops had to fight them under the most unfavorable condi- 
tions, and the Hereros usually stood their ground well, though 
the fighting on their part was almost always from ambush. 
They were armed, too, with weapons of the latest model, sup- 
plied them largely by British dealers across the border of Cape 
Colony. In this way the losses were disproportionately large, 
altogether something like 50 per cent. 

This particular German colony, located along the south- 
west coast of Africa, and extending inland several hundreds 



GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 295 

of miles, was hitherto looked upon as the most promising of 
all by colonial enthusiasts. In fact, hopes had been built for 
years past that a considerable stream of German emigration 
could be diverted into that channel. Those hopes must prob- 
ably be abandoned, in spite of the favorable climatic condi^ 
tions in German Southwest Africa, and although men with 
small capital, from $3,000 upward, if hardy and abstemious, , 
have a good chance of attaining moderate prosperity in that 
country by cattle-farming, mining and cereal culture. 

A singular fatality seems to rest on German colonial enter- 
prises. With the sole exception of Kiao-Chau, if one can 
take the word of Eugene Richter, one of the leading Liberals, 
for it, they are not "worth a straw." Count von Bulow 
enjoyed a short-lived triumph when he had purchased from 
Spain the Carolines and the Ladrones. But these islands 
turned out as worthless as the rest, and German capital is 
wary of investing in colonies. The Reichstag during the 
session of 1904 appropriated another 50,000,000 marks (about 
$12,500,000) for the so-called colonial empire, a large part of 
this sum serving to make up the annual deficit. But a con- 
siderable portion of it went for the further development of 
Kiao-Chau, German East Africa and German Southwest 
Africa. In both the latter colonies the government made up 
its mind to go into railroad-building on a larger scale, hoping 
eventually to develop resources. The patriotic German, 
looking at the map and seeing there, scattered through Africa, 
Australasia, the Pacific and China, groups of islands and large 
tracts on the mainland, altogether more than five times as 
large as the home country,' might feel his heart swell with 
pride. But that is about the only return he gets for his money. 
As a matter of fact, Cameroons and Togo, both within the 
tropical belt on the west coast of Africa, would promise rich 
returns were it not for their murderous climate and the diffi- 
culties of obtaining efficient labor. The government has been 



296 GERMANY'S SYMPATHETIC SILENCE 

making great efforts to introduce there cotton culture on a 
large scale, but, with prospects favorable in every other 
respect, there is a scarcity of diligent human labor. 

The renewal of her commercial treaties seemed as far off 
as ever. Slight advance had been made in the matter of 
treaty with Great Britain and her colonies, the United States, 
Holland and Belgium, Rumania and Switzerland, Argentina 
and Brazil. True, negotiations with Russia, Austria-Hun- 
gary and Italy were proceeding at a fair rate, but it was 
impossible to make any definite arrangements with them in 
the matter of a commercial understanding before the other 
countries mentioned were heard from. As regards the United 
States, even the Agrarians had become aware of the fact that 
a definite understanding must be had, else their entire export 
trade would be imperiled. 

In addition to this difficulty there was the concrete one of 
deficits in the household of the empire. For a number of 
years, up to 1902, there had been considerable surplus; but 
the sources of revenue, from customs duties, etc., were dimin- 
ishing, and the imperial secretary of finances officially stated 
that deficits must be looked for until 1909. He estimated 
them at from 50,000,000 to 95,000,000 marks, and with that 
he also figured out a rise of expenditures of 225,000,000 marks 
a year from 1,700,000,000 to 1,925,000,000 marks. Army 
and navy are responsible for the bulk of this rise in expendi- 
tures. 




A NATIVE KOREAN OFFICIAL 
Min Ang Ho, the Postmaster-General of Korea, was educated in America. 




RUSSIAN TROOPS HURRYING TO THE KOREAN FRONTIER 

^t the opening of the war, Russia had troops concentrated in Manchuria ready to take up the march 
Jor Korea. Our artist represents them as marching down the main street in Port Arthur, for the front. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

The United States and the Conflict 

Advantage of America's Position — Secretary Hay's Stroke of Diplomacy — His Let- 
ter to Other Powers — The Proclamation of Neutrality — The President's Atti- 
tude Clearly Shown — Commercial Considerations — The Interests of Americans 
Abroad. 

WHATEVER might be felt upon the broader aspects 
of the quarrel, it was generally agreed that the 
Japanese, with all their evident determination to 
fight and notwithstanding their great aggressiveness, had so 
conducted the negotiations with Russia as to present their 
national cause in a favorable light before the world. Justly 
regarding the integrity of Korea as essential to their own 
security, they could not — so their official statement ran— exact 
from Russia a pledge to respect it. Equally concerned in the 
independence of the Chinese Empire, they could obtain from 
Russia no agreement and no explanation of her continued 
aggression and her continued military activity in Chinese 
territory. Recognizing that Russia's studious delay was only 
a cover for a determined advance that was directed against the 
essential interests of Japan, they broke off the fruitless pre- 
tense of negotiation and resorted to the arbitrament of arms. 
The strength of this statement of the Japanese position 
was such that the world knew it to be essentially true. Rus- 
sia's silent, sullen advance across Asia, her poHcy of acquiring 
and holding was no new demonstration; and while it fell to 
Japan to oppose it forcibly, for her own self-preservation, other 
Powers had already m.ade the same protest against the Rus- 
sian aggression in Manhcuria and her contemptuous disregard 
of treaty engagements. Thus, while Japan at that juncture 

297 



298 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 

was without military allies, her diplomatic alliances were oi 
the strongest. Great Britain and the United States, at least, 
were disposed to insist upon the respect for the integrity oi 
the Chinese Empire, for which Japan professed to be fighting, 
and such insistence bade fair to prove an influential factor in 
the war. 

America, indeed, had a peculiar sentimental interest in 
the impending war. Japan, one of the principals, she, through 
Commodore Perry, introduced to the Western world, and it 
was another of her naval officers. Commodore R. W. Shufeldt, 
who opened to the Caucasians Korea, the battlefield. Russia, 
the other principal, was our "traditional friend," because o\ 
her offer of good offices in the War of 181 2 and her refusal tc 
join France and England in the plan to intervene in our Civil 
War. 

Of material interest in the outcome, we had none that 
was then apparent, save in the attitude of Russia, if she should 
be victor, toward China, with which, as sovereign power, we 
had just concluded a treaty opening Manchurian ports to our 
trade. Russia, master of Korea, would hardly acknowledge 
rights there granted by China, nor was there anything in hei 
history to warrant belief that she would then make with us 
such treaties as to give our trade entrance to Korea. 

In this aspect, Russia threatened to undo much of the 
work which we had done for commerce in the Far East. Oui 
stand for the open door in China after the Boxer uprising waf 
no departure. It was merely carrying on the policy put into 
effect by Commodore Perry in Japan forty-seven years before ; 
and by Commodore Shufeldt in Korea twenty-two years ago, 
In all of these cases the United States acted as pioneer foi 
the Western nations. The eclat of Perry's intrusion upon 
Japan and the recency of our last negotiations with China 
kept these achievements fresh in the public mind, but the suc- 
cess of Shufeldt in bringing the Hermit Kingdom into the 



THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 299 

family of nations under the auspices of the young republic of 
the West was no less noteworthy, and it is worth recalling 
that the integrity of Korea was in the balance, whatever the 
result of the struggle on her soil. 

In strict accord, therefore, with American tradition, 

i President Roosevelt, upon the first outbreak of hostilities, 

proclaimed the neutrality of the United States. On February 

nth the following document was published from the White 

House : 

By the Pre^^ident of the United States of America, 

A PROCLAMATION 

Whereas, A state of war unhappily exists between Japan 
on the one side and Russia on the other side ; and, 

Whereas, The United States are on terms of friendship 
and amity with both the contending Powers and with the per- 
sons inhabiting their several dominions; and. 

Whereas, There are citizens of the United States resid- 
ing within the territories or dominions of each of the said 
belligerents, and carrying on commerce, trade or other business 
or pursuits therein, protected by the faith of treaties; and. 

Whereas, There are subjects of each of the said belhger- 
ents residing within the territory or jurisdiction of the United 
States, and carrying on commerce, trade or other business or 
pursuits therein; and, 

Whereas, The laws of the United States, without inter- 
fering with the free expression of opinion and sympathy, or 
with the open manufacture or sale of arms or munitions of 
war, nevertheless impose upon all persons who may be within 
their territory and jurisdiction the duty of an impartial neutral- 
ity during the existence of the contest; and, 

Whereas, It is the duty of a neutral government not to 
permit or suffer the making of its waters subservient to the 
purposes of war: 



300 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 

Now, therefore, I, Theodore Roosevelt, President of the 
United States of America, in order to preserve the neutrahty 
of the United States and of their citizens, and of persons 
within their territory and jurisdiction", and to enforce their 
laws, and in order that all persons, being warned of the general 
tenor of the laws and treaties of the United States in this 
behalf, and of the law of nations, may thus be prevented from 
an unintentional violation of the same, do hereby declare and 
proclaim that by the Act passed on the 20th day of April, 
A. D. 181 8, commonly known as the "Neutrality Law," the 
following acts are forbidden to be done, under severe penal- 
ties, within the territory and jurisdiction of the United States, 
to wit: 

First. Accepting and exercising a commission to serve 
either of the said belligerents by land or by sea against the 
other belligerent. 

Second. Enlisting or entering into the service of either 
of the said belligerents as a soldier, or as a marine or seaman 
on board of any vessel of war, letter of marque or privateer. 

Third, Hiring or retaining another person to enlist or 
enter himself in the service of either of the said belligerents as 
a soldier, or as a marine, or seaman on board of any vessel of 
war, letter of marque or privateer. 

Fourth. Hiring another person to go beyond the limits 
or jurisdiction of the United States with intent to be enlisted 
as aforesaid. 

Fifth. Hiring another person to go beyond the limits of 
the United States with intent to be entered into service as 
aforesaid. 

Sixth. Retaining another person to go beyond the limits 
of the United States with intent to be enlisted as aforesaid. 

Seventh. Retaining another person to go beyond the 
limits of the United States to be entered into service as afore- 
said. (But the said Act is not to be construed to extend to a 



THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 301 

citizen of either belligerent who, being transiently within the 
United States, shall, on board of any vessel of war^ which, at 
the time of its arrival within the United States, was fitted and 
equipped as such vessel of war, enlist or enter himself, or hire 
or retain another subject or citizen of the same belligerent) 
who is transiently within the United States, to enlist or enter 
himself to serve such belligerent on board such vessel of war, 
if the United States shall then be at peace with such belhgerent. 

Eighth. Fitting out and arming, or attempting to fit out 
and arm, or procuring to be fitted out and armed, or know- 
ingly being concerned in the furnishing, fitting out or arming 
of any ship or vessel with intent that such ship or vessel shall 
be employed in the service of either of the belligerents. 

Ninth. Issuing or delivering a commission within the 
territory or jurisdiction of the United States for any ship or 
vessel to the intent that she may be employed as aforesaid. 

Tenth. Increasing or augmenting, or procuring to be 
increased or augmented, or knowingly being concerned in 
increasing or augmenting, the force of any ship of war, cruiser 
or other armed vessel, which at the time of her arrival within 
the United States was a ship of war, cruiser or armed vessel 
in the service of either of the said belligerents, or belonging to 
the subjects of either, b}^ adding to the number of guns of 
such vessels, or by changing those on board of her for guns of 
a larger calibre, or by the addition thereto of any equipment 
solely applicable to war. 

Eleventh. Beginning or setting on foot or providing or 
preparing the means for any mihtary expedition or enterprise 
to be carried on from the territory or jurisdiction of the 
United States against the territory or dominions of either of 
the said belligerents. 

And I do hereby further declare and proclaim that any 
frequenting and use of the waters within the territorial juris- 
diction of the United States by the armed vessels of either 



302 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 

belligerent, whether public ships or privateers, for the purpose 
of preparing for hostile operations, or as posts of observation 
upon the ships of war, or privateers, or merchant vessels of 
the other belligerent lying within or being about to enter the 
jurisdiction of the United States, must be regarded as 
unfriendly and offensive, and in violation of that neutrality 
which is the determination of this government to observe. 

And to the end that the hazard and inconvenience of 
such apprehended practices may be avoided, I further pro- 
claim and declare that from and after the 15th day of Feb- 
ruary, instant, and during the continuance of the present 
hostilities between Japan and Russia, no ship of war or 
privateer of either belligerent shall be permitted to make use 
of any port, harbor, roadstead, or waters subject to the juris- 
diction of the United States from which a vessel of the other 
belligerent (whether the same shall be a ship of war, a priva- 
teer or a merchant ship) shall have previously departed until 
after the expiration of at least twenty-four hours from the 
departure of such last mentioned vessel beyond the jurisdiction 
of the United States. 

If any ship of war or privateer of either belligerent shall, 
after the time this notification takes effect, enter any port, 
harbor, roadstead or waters of the United States, such vessel 
shall be required to depart and put to sea within twenty-four 
hours after her entrance into such port, harbor, roadstead or 
waters, except in case of stress of weather or of her requiring 
provisions or things necessar}^ for the subsistence of her crew, 
or for repairs, in either of which cases the authorities of the port 
or of the nearest port (as the case may be) shall require her 
to put to sea as soon as possible after the expiration of such 
period of twenty-four hours, without permitting her to take in 
supplies beyond what may be necessary for her imm.ediate use ; 
and no such vessel which may bave been permitted to remain 
within the waters of the United States for the purpose of 



THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 303 

repair shall continue in such port, harbor, roadstead or waters 
for a longer period than twenty-four hours after her necessary 
repairs shall have been completed, unless within such twenty- 
four hours a vessel, whether ship of war, privateer or merchant 
ship of the other belligerent, shall have departed therefrom, in 
which case the time limit for the departure of such ship of 
war, or privateer shall be extended so far as may be necessary 
to secure an interval of not less than twenty-four hours be- 
tween such departure and that of any ship of war, privateer 
or merchant ship of the other belligerent which may have pre- 
viously quit the same port, harbor, roadstead or waters : 

No ship of war or privateer of either belligerent shall be 
detained in any port, harbor, roadstead or waters of the 
United States more than twenty-four hours by reason of the 
successive departures from such port, harbor, roadstead or 
waters of more than one vessel of the other belligerent. But 
if there be several vessels of each or either of the two belliger- 
ents in the same port, harbor, roadstead or waters, the order of 
their departure therefrom shall be so arranged as to afford the 
opportunity of leaving alternately to the vessels of the respec- 
tive belligerents, and to cause the least detention consistent 
with the objects of this proclamation. 

No ship of war or privateer of either belligerent shall be 
permitted, while in any port, harbor, roadstead or waters within 
the jurisdiction of the United States, to take in any supplies 
except provisions and such other things as may be requisite for 
the sustenance of her crew, and except so much coal only as 
may be sufficient to carry such vessel, if without any sail 
power, to the nearest port of her own country; or in case the 
vessel is rigged to go under sail, and may also be propelled by 
steam power, then with half the quantity of coal which she 
would be entitled to receive, if dependent upon steam alone, 
and no coal shall be again supplied to any such ship of war or 
privateer or in any other port, harbor, roadstead or waters of 



304 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 

the United States, without special permissicn, until after the 
expiration of three months from the tim^e when such coal may 
have been last supplied to her within the waters of the United 
States, unless such ship of war or privateer shall, since last 
thus supplied, have entered a port of the government to which 
she belongs. 

And I further declare and proclaim that by the first article 
of the convention as to the rights of the neutrals at sea, which 
was concluded between the United States of America and his 
Majesty, the Emperor of all the Russias, on the 2 2d day of 
July, A. D. 1854, the following principles were recognized as 
permanent, to wit: 

First. That free ships make free goods — that is to say, 
that the effects or goods belonging to subjects or citizens be- 
longing to a Power or State at war are free from capture and 
confiscation when found on board of neutral vessels, with the 
exception of articles of contraband of war. 

Second. That the property of neutrals on board an 
enemy's vessel is not subject to confiscation, unless the sam.e 
be contraband of war. 

And I do further declare and proclaim that the statutes of 
the United States and the law of nations alike require that no 
person within the territory and jurisdiction of the United 
States shall take part, directly or indirectly, in the said war, 
but shall remain at peace with each of the said belligerents, 
and shall maintain a strict and impartial neutrality, and that 
whatever privileges shall be accorded to one belligerent within 
the ports of the United States shall be, in like manner, ac- 
corded to the other. 

And I do hereby enjoin all the good citizens of the United 

States, and all persons residing or being within the territory or 

_ jurisdiction of the United States, to observe the laws thereof, 

and to commit no act contrary to the provisions of the said 

statutes, or in violation of the law of nations in that behalf. 



THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 305 

And. I do hereby warn all citizens of the United States, 
and all persons residing or being within their territory or juris- 
diction, that, while the free and full expression of sympathies 
in public and private is not restricted by the laws of the United 
States, military forces in aid of either belligerent cannot law- 
fully be originated or organized within their jurisdiction ; and 
that while all persons may lawfully and without restriction by 
reason of the aforesaid state of war manufacture and sell 
within the United States arms and munitions of war and other 
articles ordinarily known as "contraband of war," yet they 
cannot carry such articles upon the high seas for the use or 
service of either belligerent- nor can they transport soldiers 
and officers of either, or attempt to break any blockade which 
may be lawfully established and maintained during the war 
without incurring the risk of hostile capture and the penalties 
denounced by the law of nations in that behalf. 

And I do hereby give notice that all citizens of the United 
States and others who may claim the protection of this gov- 
ernment who may misconduct themselves in the premises will 
do so at their peril, and that they can in no wise obtain any 
protection from the government of the United States against 
the consequences of their misconduct. 

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington this nth day of Febru- 
ary in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and 
four and of the independence of the United States the one 
hundred and twenty-eighth. 

THEODORE ROOSEVELT. 

By the President: 

JOHN HAY, Secretary of State. 

On February loth, a few days previous to the President's 
proclamation, Secretary Hay had addressed a note to Great 
Britain, France, Germany, Austria and Italy, to ascertain if 



3o6 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 

they were willing to join in a note to Russia and Japan that 
during hostilities and thereafter the neutrality and integrity 
of China must be recognized. Relative to the question of 
restricting warlike action to the narrowest limits, the proposi- 
tion took the form of a note to Russia and one to Japan 
suggesting some such limitation; in addition, the neutral 
Powers were called on by the United States to address them^- 
selves in the same fashion to Russia and Japan. The proposi- 
tion of the United States contemplated a restriction of 
hostilities and the consequent hardships of war to the smallest 
possible area. 

The text of Mr. Hay's note is given in full as follows: 
" You will express to the Minister for Foreign Affairs the 
earnest desire of the Government of the United States that in 
the course of the military operations which have begun between 
Russia and Japan, the neutrality of China, and in all practical 
ways her administrative entity shall be respected by both 
parties, and that the area of hostilities shall be localized and 
limited as much as possible, so that undue excitement and 
disturbance of the Chinese people may be prevented and the 
least possible loss to the commerce and peaceful intercourse of 
the world may be occasioned. 

"John Hay." 

At the same time this government informed all the powers 
signatory of the protocol at Pekin of its action, and requested 
similar action on their part. Almost immediately, responses 
were received from several of the leading powers, practically all 
endorsing the spirit in which the proposition was made. Great 
Britain signified her hearty approval of the idea, along broad 
lines, with reservations which would not prevent her intended 
military expedition into Tibet under Colonel Younghusband, 
Austria-Hungary expressed assent, Germany, having encour- 
aged Mr. Hay to make the proposal, accepted it, and France^ 
after some admirable diplomatic effort by Greneral Porter, 



THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 307 

United States Ambassador at Paris, announced her agree- 
ment. Of the combatants, Japan informed the State Depart- 
ment at Washington that she would accede, provided Russia 
did so, making her reply on February 13th, in the following 
words : 

" The Imperial Government sharing with the Government 
of the United States in the fullest measure the desire, to avoid 
as far as possible, any disturbance of the ordinary condition of 
affairs now prevailing in China, are prepared to respect the 
neutrality and administrative entity of Chiaa outside the re- 
gion occupied by Russia, as long as Russia, making a similar 
engagement, fulfills in good faith the terms and conditions of 
such engagements," 

And Russia, on the nineteenth of that month, engaged 
herself, with reasonable restrictions, by saying: 

" The Imperial Government shares completely the desire 
to insure tranquillity of China ; is ready to adhere to an under- 
standing with other powers for the purpose of safeguarding 
the neutrality of that empire on the following conditions : 

" Firstly, China must herself strictly observe all the clauses 
of neutrality. 

"The Japanese Government must loyally observe the 
engagements entered into with the powers, as well as the prin- 
ciples generally recognized by the law of nations. 

" Thirdly, that it is well understood that neutralization in 
no case can be extended to Manchuria, the territory of which, 
by the force of events, will serve as the field of military opera- 
tions." 

On the same day the governments of Russia, Japan, and 
China were notified that the answers were " viewed as respon- 
sive to the proposal made by the United States as well as by 
the other powers," and that the other governments would be 
so informed, their adherence to the principles having been duly 
notified to the government of the United States, This action 



3o8 THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 

gave China assurances of our continued friendly interest and 
our moral support in her effort to maintain her neutrality and 
peaceful conditions in her dominions, the government at 
Peking having previously announced that the neutrality of 
China would be preserved so far as lay in her power ; and with 
the exception of her provinces which would be of necessity, 
the scene of conflict. 

Not only by the issue of this note, but also by the fact that 
it met with general acceptance among the powers interested in 
the fate of China, American diplomacy received an enormous 
addition of prestige. Indeed, from her position, the United 
States was the only country able to take the lead at this crisis 
of political affairs. By her sincere treatment of China after 
the Boxer uprising, which has been^noted elsewhere, she had 
won the respect and faith of the diplomatic world; and, 
though, in contrast with the methods of the older powers, her 
negotiations were direct and often brusque, they carried a 
wealth of meaning which seldom failed of its purpose. 

As is always the case in war-time, American commerce 
suffered from a disturbance of peace. It was estimated that 
the first three months of the war caused a loss of nearly 
$20,000,000 to shippers of the United States and Canada 
alone. Owing also to the uncertainty prevalent as to what 
articles would be considered by the belligerents contraband of 
war, trade to the Far East was generally held in suspense, 
although both Russian and Japanese agents were on the North 
American continent to place large orders for foodstuffs and 
supplies. 

The value of the commerce of the countries fronting 
upon the scene of hostilities in the Orient aggregates about 
$600,000,000 annually, of which the United States enjoys fully 
$100,000,000. While the prospect of war resulted in the plac- 
ing in this country of orders from Japan for flour and from 
"Pussia for ir^ats, the general trend of exportation to the four 



THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 309 

countries locally affected by the fighting — Russia, Japan, 
Korea and China — was downward during the period devoted 
to preparations for hostilities. To Japan the exports from the 
United • States during December, 1903, were $2,263,245 in 
value, against $2,811,589 in December of the preceding year, 
and for the entire calendar year 1903 were about $1,000,000 
less than the preceding year. To Asiatic Russia the exports 
from the United States were $716,274 in 1903, against $898,711 
in 1902 and $1,013,320 in 1901. To China our exports dur- 
ing 1903 were materially below those of the preceding year, 
being for the month of December $841,373 against $1,857,733 
in December, 1902, and for the entire year $14,970,138, against 
$22,698,282 in 1902. This reduction occurs chiefly in cotton 
cloths, of which our total exportation to China in December, 
1903, was only 3,665,364 yards, against 20,582,554 yards in 
December of the preceding year, the value being $230,546 
in December, 1903, against $1,074,463 in December, 1902. 
For the entire year the value of the cotton cloth exported from 
the United States to China was $8,801,964, against $16,048,455 
in the calendar year 1902. This reduction in exports to China 
is not peculiar to the United States, as the official reports of 
the Chinese government show a general reduction of its im- 
ports during 1903, up to the latest period covered by the 
reports. 

To Russian China United States exports show an increase, 
being in 1893, $846,310, against $421,163 in 1902. To Korea 
the exports of the year also show a slight increase, being 
valued at $370,566 in 1903, against $257,130 in 1902. To 
Hong Kong, which is sufficiently far removed from the scene 
of hostilities to be less affected, apparently, by such conditions, 
the exports from the United States show an increase, being in 
December, 1903, $1,705,436, against $1,417,736 in December 
of the preceding year, and for the entire year $9,792,193, 
against $8,751,779 in 1902. 



3IO THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 

As to the trade of the United States with Manchuria, it 
is not separately shown in the general statements of the com- 
merce with China. The Department of Commerce and Labor, 
through its Bureau of Statistics, however, compiled some 
figures which show that the imports of New-Chwang, the 
principal port through which Manchurian commerce passed, 
amounted in 1902 to about 18,000,000 haikwan taels, against 
17,000,000 in 1901 and 8,000,000 in 1900. The value of the 
haikwan tael in 1902 was 63 cents, so that the value of the 
imports of Manchuria, stated in dollars, would be, in 1902, 
about $11,000,000. 

The table which follows shows the total value of foreign 
merchandise of all kinds imported into New-Chwang in each 
year from 1896 to 1902: 

Year, 

1896 

1897 • 

1898 

1899 

1900 

1901 

1902 

fThe table which follows shows the value of imports into 
Japan during each year from 1881 to 1903, and the percentage 
supplied by the United States and the United Kingdom. It 
will be noted that in the twenty-two years covered by these 
figures the volume of Japanese imports has been multiplied by 
ten, and that the total value has shown a tendency to double 
about every seven years. 

* Average value of haikawn tael reported by Chinese government, 
1896, 81 cents; 1898, 70 cents; 1901, 72 cents; 1903, 63 cents. 
fCompiled from official reports of the Japanese government. 



Prom foreign 

countries. 

*Haikwan taels. 


Foreign goods 
from native 
ports. 
*Haikwan taels. 


1,886,485 


6,271,166 


1,641,415 


7,417,236 


1,453,318 


9,174,245 


5,279,185 


16,566,413 


2,682,420 


5,488,632 


4,293.737 


12,854,552 


5,346,306 


12,969,264 



THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONFLICT 311 

From From 
United States. United Kingdom 

Calendar Year. Total Yen. Per cent. Per cent. 

1881 31,128,125 5.72 52.57 

1882 29,441,453 10.55 47-4°. 

1883 28,431,939 II. 21 44.83 

1884 29,626,781 8.40 43-07 

1885 29,356,967 9.37 42.43 

1886 32,168,432 10.44 39-49 

■ 1887 44,304,251 7.47 42.82 

1888 65,455,234 8.36 43.81 

1889 63,995,009 9.65 40.73 

1890 80,554,874 8.56 33.04 

1891 61,969,183 11.04 32.27 

1892 70,076,410 8.54 29.67 

1893 87,597,095 6.95 31.88 

1894 116,284,050 9.44 36.29 

1895 127,260,844 7.29 35.49 

1896 169,882,595 9.64 34-88 

1897 218,440,623 12.38 29.94 

1898 274,599,260 14-57 22.84 

1899 219,228,647 17-43 20.45 

1900 286,170,933 21.96 25.03 

1901 255,816,644 17.5 ' 19.8 

1902 271,731,258 17.9 185 

*i903 311,000,000 14.2 15 6 

*Actual figures for eleven months and estimate for Decembei , 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

Japan's Army and Navy 

The Japaiicse as Soldiers — Their Military Instinct — The Infantry — The Monarch'* 
Service — The Fine Navy — Its Discipline — The Various Classes of War Vessels. 

WHILE Russia's vast army and navy were distributed 
at points thousands of miles from the scene of strug- 
gle, it was the peculiar advantage of Japan that her 
men and ships were concentrated within easy striking distance 
of the Russian bases of supplies. Before the Czar could pour his 
enormous army into Manchuria or bring his various squadrons 
into conjunction near the Korean peninsula, the Mikado deter- 
mined to strike with the full force of his armament. 

Although there was a startling disparity on paper between 
the Japanese and Russian forces, in favor of the latter, the 
actual troops and vessels available were somewhat balanced 
toward the side of the smaller power. Her field forces were 
estimated as follows : 

Infantry 147,160 

Cavalry 9,700 

Artillery 24,130 

Engineers 7,840 

Transport Corps . . 7,960 

Reserves 76,478 

Total , . '. 273,268 

Practically, all of these men were to be counted on. She 
possessed the great advantage of having all of her naval and 
land forces within easy striking distance of Korea and the coast 
of Manchuria, with sources of supplies, arsenals and repair 

319 



i LM i**"' 









w JS 



JAPAN'S ARMY AND NAVY 313 

docks immediately at hand. She could act with both navy 
and army in the very shortest ord^r, and how well she could 
make use of natural opportunity the war with China thoroughly 
demonstrated. 

The Japanese army had a total strength of 500,000 trained 
men, of whom 273,000 men with 798 guns formed the field 
army, organized in thirteen divisions. It was recruited by com- 
pulsory service. Its great weakness lay in the paucity of its 
cavalry, which numbered seventeen regiments and 10,000 
men ; but this weakness was compensated to some extent by 
the extraordinary marching power and mobility of the infantry. 

The Japanese soldier, moreover, is a perfectly working 
factor of the great machine-like army in whose pride he is a 
unit. Cleanly, neat, intelligent, scrupulously obedient to 
orders, full of a brave patriotism, he makes a most dependable 
man of the ranks. Not content to follow the letter of the law, 
he is interested also in the spirit, while his excellent eye for 
the details leaves no loose screws to cause disaster when the 
real test comes. The Mikado's army had been kept abreast 
of the latest improvements, both in arms and equipment. 

It was a long step from an hereditary class of gentlemen 
fighters to a modern army organization, but when, in 1868, the 
Flowery Kingdom set out to make itself over, it did not stick 
at trifles. Away went the Daimios, the feudal lords, and with 
them their soldier retainers. No longer should it be said that 
in Japan to be a gentleman one must fight, and to fight one 
must be a gentleman. Universal conscription set the rick- 
shawman instantly upon a level with the haughty samurai, and 
the shopkeeper upon a level with both. What Europe did in 
a century or two Japan did at one neat skip. 

Wanting a military system, Japan did not wait to develop 
it, but quietly took possession of the military system of France. 
Later on she went to school to Germany, and the resultant 
army was partly German and partly French, The mixed 



314 JAPAN'S ARMY AND NA VY 

origin was reflected in the army garb. The Emperor's body- 
guard served in the full uniform of the French lancers, and the 
Emperor himself wore the scarlet kepi and trousers. But all 
other branches of the service were clad like the Germans in 
dark blue with distinguishing bands of red, black or yellow on 
their flat German forage caps. The Japanese drill was Ger- 
man, the gymnastics German, the discipline German ; and the 
foot soldiers looked like nothing so much as South German 
recruits. 

As the Jap marched, so he fought, and George Lynch, 
who watched him with the allies in China, remarks : ** It is 
simply wonderful how quickly they move. They seem to do 
everything at the double. It is the speed not of nervousness, 
but of downright eagerness. They fight for fighting's sake, 
and never were such hilarious fighters. I watched their drill, 
and, my goodness, how they did enjoy it." 

For the Japanese cavalry not so much can be said. The 
Jap is not built for horsemanship ; like the Scotchman who 
could not get into the Highlands, " he hasna the legs." Cap- 
tain Younghusband says that the pony is usually master of 
the situation. " The horses are small, vicious and slow. In 
shock tactics they would be practically useless. Considered 
as mounted infantry they are all very well, but as cavalry 
not to be compared with the Cossacks." 

Not so the artillery, or at least with that part of it 
which depended upon the men. Like their manoeuvres afoot, 
their battery was amazingly quick. Henry Norman, the 
English traveler and author, describes them in action thus : 
" Two batteries came up at a gallop, with perfect stead- 
iness wheeled, halted, unlimbered, came to the 'action front,' 
loaded, and fired, with a smartness, coolness and rapidity, that 
could hardly have been excelled." 

The Japanese had learned among many other things, that 
a good soldier is twice as valuable if he has good care, and 



JAPAN'S ARMY AND NAVY 315 

everything which goes to make for the efficiency of troops was 
carefully attended to. The rations were of the simplest kind: 
rice, dried fish, soy, and sometimes meat, but always ample, 
and always the best of their kind. Their medical corps could 
give points to Europe. Japanese camps were singularly free 
from contagious diseases, and as for the hospitals, no one 
could say enough to their praise. In summer the Jap soldier 
was attired in a white cotton material, which, though conspicu- 
ous, was cool and easily kept clean, while the winter uniform 
differed only in being of heavier and darker material. Each 
of them carried a long cloth bag, in which was a reserve supply 
of sixty rounds, some duplicate parts for his rifle, a full kit of 
medicine and instruments, needles and buttons, together with 
rations for one day. These latter consisted of 36 ounces of 
rice, 4 ounces of meat, and 4 ounces of vegetables, kept in a 
tin pail, which also served for a cooking utensil. He was also 
supplied with a Murata Magazine rifle, which could fire eight 
shots, or be used as a single loader. The bayonet was not 
usually carried fixed, but in the scabbard. Two-thirds of the 
men were equipped with a small shovel for entrenching, while 
the remainder were furnished with picks. 

As for administrative detail, Japan managed that with 
a nicety of clockwork. The transport service was incredibly 
perfect, the camp-kit packed into one-third less space than 
that of any other army, and, owing to the efficiency of the 
commissariat, always turned up on time. The Intelligence 
Department had sown the whole East with its spies, and its 
maps were miracles of accuracy. The field telegraph, with its 
bamboo poles, proved every bit as practical as if managed by 
Americans. The engineers and sappers were prepared to do 
their work in masterly fashion, and nothing was wanting to 
make the Japanese army a powerful fighting machine. 

Her naval personnel numbered 31,379 officers and men, with 
a reserve of 6,227. But a statement of her position at the 



3i6 JAPAN'S ARMY AND NAVY 

outbreak of hostilitu s brought to lij^ht the fact that nearly her 
entire navy was mobilized near the salient points in the great 
game ; all the battleships, all the armored cruisers, 73 torpedo 
boats, and 9 of the destroyers were instantly ready for assault 
or defence. 

The six Japanese battleships comprised some of the best 
modern type. The largest was the Mikasa, built in 1900, of 
15,363 tons displacement, exceeding the largest Russian battle- 
ship in the far East, the TzarcvitcJi, by 2000 tons. The princi- 
pal armament of both of these battleships consisted of 12-inch 
guns, of which each carried four ; and they both had the same 
speed, eighteen knots an hour. The Japanese ships that were 
built earlier than those of the Mikasa class, were not of great 
value as fighting machines and hardly regarded as full line of 
battleships. Among them, as of similar age, must be included 
the Chen-Ytie7i, which was captured from the Chinese. But since 
1897 f<Jur battleships had been added to the Japanese navy, all 
exceeding 15,000 tons displacement, all having 12-inch guns 
and torpedo-tubes, and all rated at eighteen knots an hour. 
Japan also possessed five cruisers of between 9,000 and 10,000 
tons displacement, each with 7-inch armor, carrying 8-inch guns, 
and with a speed varying from twenty to twenty-two knots. 

About the beginning of 1904 Japan bought, in anticipation 
of war with Russia, two cruisers which had been built at Genoa 
for the Argentine Republic. They left that port with British 
crews on board and commanded by British officers for the voy- 
age to Japan, through the Suez Canal and the Red Sea. 
When taken possession of by the emergency crew for the 
Japanese Government, their equipment and armament were far 
from complete. It was a question, however, of getting them 
out of the Mediterranean before war should begin, and imme- 
diately on their safe arrival in Japanese waters they were put 
into commission. 

Japan had also been in negotiation with Chili for the 



JAPAN'S ARMY AND NA VY 



317 



purchase of two cruisers. Under a convention between Chili 
and Argentina both republics were to sell their ships of war ; in 
other words, they agreed to a naval disarmament. The 
cruisers bought from Argentina were named the Moreno and 
the Rivadaria, but upon their change of o\vnership they were 
rechristened the Kasaga and the Niasm. Each was of "],']0':) 
tons displacement; the former mounted thirty-six guns and 
the latter thirty-five. Japan had already a protected cruiser 
called the Kasagi, built on the Delaware by the Cramps, and 
considered one of the best vessels In the Japanese navy, an 
armorclad, 4,670 tons displacement, with two 8-inch quick-firing 
rifles and ten 4.7-Inch qulck-firii^g rifles, and a secondary bat- 
tery of smaller guns. 

In her navy Japan possessed a small but thorough modern 
equipment ; with naval bases at Nagasaki Yokosuka, Kobe, 
Kure, and Sasebo, she held the Straits of Korea, dividing the 
Russian Squadron at Vladivostok from that In the Gulf of 
Pe-chi-li, and felt entirely secure from invasion of her own soil. 

Japan conducted all her preparations for war with greatest 
secrecy, but, so far as it was possible to ascertain, the full list 
of her naval strength In the Far East was as follows : 



BATTLESHIPS 



Tons 



Mikasa 15,200 

Asahi 15,000 

Hatsuse 15,000 

Shikishima .... 14,850 



Yashima . 
Fuji . . . 
Chen Yuen 



Tons 
12,320 
12,320 
14,890 



PROTECTED CRUISERS 

Tons 

Naniwa 5, 700 Takashiho 

Chitose 4,760 Toushima . 

Kasagi 4,760 Akitsushina 

Takasoga 4,300 Niitaka . 

Hashidate 4,277 Idsumi . 

Houkushima . . . 4,277 Chiyoda 

Matsushima . . . . 4,277 Akashi , 

Yoshino 4,150 Suma - 



Tons 
3.700 
3.420 
3.150 
3.420 
3,000 
2.450 
2.700 
2,700 



3i8 JAPAN S ARMY AND NAVY 

ARMORED CRUISERS 
Tons Tons 

Yakumo 9.850 Iwate 9.75o 

Asama 9.750 Idzumo 9.75o 

Tokiwa 9,75o Azuma 9,436 

Kasaga 7>7oo Niasin 7, 700 

Besides torpedo boats and destroyers. 

It may be said, that the Japanese navy had its beginning 
in 1866, coincident with her re-awakening, under American 
instructors, and they went on steadily increasing their armored 
fleet, in addition to building up an unarmored fleet, all armed 
with the best rifled guns. The first armored ship constructed 
for Japan was built on the Thames and was launched in 1877, 
about six years before our new navy was begun. She was the 
Foo-So, and had a displacement of 3,818 tons. About the 
same time contracts were made in England for the two com- 
posite armor-belted corvettes, the Kon-Go and the Hi-Yei. 
Then in 1885 the Naniwa and the Takashiho, built by the 
Armstrongs, in England, were launched. They were protected 
cruisers of 3,700 tons displacement, and 18 knots speed, and 
were conspicuous in the Japan-China war. The United States 
has since built a number of vessels for the Mikado, and all 
Americans were interested to see how they would quit them- 
selves in the stress of actual warfare. 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

The Army and Navy of Russia 

Russia's Dilatory Tactics Favored War Preparations— Her Bases of Supplies — Trans- 
portation of Troops— The Colossal Russian Army— Cossack Cavalry— Her Strength 
at Sea. 

BY dilatory tactics of every kind Russia tried to postpone 
the inevitable war until she had firmly entrenched her- 
self in Manchuria and felt secure enough to crush any 
antagonist. She was not ready for war when it came, though 
five valuable months had been won by diplomacy and spent in 
strengthening her position. Pledged though she was to with- 
draw from Manchuria on October 8, 1903, Russia let the date 
pass uncalendared. Asked by Japan to show her purpose, she 
succeeded in putting off the Mikado until the New Year had 
gone by, and while the situation was growing more strained 
she was repairing shipyards and fortifications, strengthening 
the supposedly impregnable Port Arthur, and increasing the 
natural facilities of Dalny and Vladivostok. 

Vladivostok, the Eastern terminus of the Trans-Siberian 
Railway, with the tidewater port of its southern branch at 
Dalny, were the chief Russian strongholds. The former 
enjoyed a harbor, an arsenal, a dry and floating dock, and a 
base of coal supply, while at Dalny v/ere to be found a harbor, 
a refitting yard, and a coaling station, together with the begin- 
nings of other facilities and enterprises recently laid out by 
Russia on an extensive scale. 

Port Arthur has been called the Gibraltar of the Far 
East, and notwithstanding the fact that the Japanese had 
stormed it in 1895 it is considered a formidable stronghold, 

319 



320 THE AJ^.\fV AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 

of which Russia had greatly improved the security during her 
occupation, and had so refurnished the tidal basin, drydock, 
refitting and coaling yard that it was in reality a point of great 
strategic importance. 

Fortified by an elaborate scheme of defences, Port Arthur 
was the most powerful southerly naval station which the Mus- 
covites possessed in Asia. The entrance to Port Arthur 
is also guarded by nature. It is extremely narrow, in some 
places, not more than two hundred yards wide. For this reason 
Russians had boasted that it was as nearly impregnable as any 
naval station in the Orient. 

When Russia took possession of Port Arthur, at the end 
of the Liau-Tong Peninsula, she found a Chinese arsenal, 
which had been originally constructed under the direction of 
European engineers. The Russians, however, were not satis- 
fied with the plan of fortifications, and practically rebuilt the 
fortress. 

Like Vladivostok, Port Arthur lay at right angles to the 
main channel. The outer harbor is deep, but the water in 
the inner harbor would not float the largest vessels. All ships 
having a draught of over twenty-four feet must lie outside in 
the outer roadstead, where they were open to attack. 

Russia occupied Port Arthur on December i8, 1897. In 
explaining her act she said that she regarded the possession of 
Port Arthur as a compensation for her grievance with China. 

The Russians streno-thened the series of fortifications 
known as the Hwang-Chinshan forts, which commanded the 
entrance of the harbor to the east, and directly behind they 
rebuilt a chain of batteries, which were intended to pour down 
shot and shell into the inner harbor. The Laomuchu battery 
was so placed that it swept the approach of the port diagonally 
and commanded both the outer and inner basins. The village 
of Port Arthur was situated opposite the entrance to the harbor. 

Despite the powerful equipment of cannon which were to 



THE ARMY AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 321 

play on vessels approaching Port Arthur, Japanese strategists 
asserted that the fortress could be stormed and taken by a 
concerted land and sea attack. Situated on a peninsula, its 
batteries might be isolated and cut off from supplies. The 
peninsula is joined to the mainland by a narrow strip of land 
only eighteen miles wide in some places. 

Japan was deprived of Port Arthur as the result of the 
intervention of the powers at the close of the China-Japanese 
War. When Russia stepped in and took possession of the 
peninsula later, the act awakened in the Japanese a certain 
hatred of the Muscovites, which had been smouldering up to 
the time of this war. 

One weak point in the Russian's war line was the uncer- 
tain capability of the great railroad with which they had 
recently spanned Siberia. Though built by supposedly com- 
petent engineers and equipped with the finest rolling stock of 
American factories, the single-track line was generally consid- 
ered a failure by foreigners who had opportunity to inspect it. 
Since almost all of the Russian soldiers, arms and supplies had 
to be carried over this route from the large cities of European 
Russia, it was early evident that on its efficiency would depend 
the Czar's power to stand the demands of a long and exhaust- 
ing war. 

While on American heavily ballasted roadbeds a rail 
weighing from sixty to ninety pounds to the foot is the ac- 
cepted standard, it has been stated on good authority that a 
forty pound rail was used in crossing the Steppes, on a road- 
bed of none too solid foundation. 

The unbiased opinion of an experienced American trav- 
eler who crossed Siberia shortly before war was declared may 
be quoted as giving succinctly the conditions in this important 
connecting link as they were just before hostilities commenced, 

"This talk," said he, "about Russia rushing troops and 
supplies across the country on the Trans-Siberian Railway is 



32 2 THE ARMY AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 

amusinor to one who has been over that road. The rails are 
the lightest that can be laid, and can be washed away by the 
heavy rains that fall frequently, or the thaws that flood por- 
tions of the country through which the road runs. It stands 
to reason that a roadbed in this condition cannot take the 
strain of such heavy traffic as would be imposed by the trans- 
portation of troops and war munitions. Why, the maximum 
speed of the trains is twenty miles an hour, though the engines 
and cars can stand a forty-mile speed without being pressed 
to the limit. Then there is another reason which, I think, is 
quite as potent as the condition of the roadbed against the 
transportation of troops in great numbers, and that is a break 
in the road at Lake Baikal. This break is 125 miles long, and 
you can imagine the congestion that would result. Even in 
the course of ordinary business the travel between the two 
points in the road is bad enough. Lake Baikal is about thirty 
miles wide, and there are four small boats about as laree as 
your ocean-going tugs for the transportation of passengers and 
freight from the western shore to the eastern. It would be 
impossible to carry more than 600 men a day across this lake 
with the present facilities, and heaven only knows how they 
would manage to get the field guns, horses and supplies over. 
Then, on the other side, is the 125 miles break in the railroad. 
Passengers are now carried over this stretch in carriages, 
sledges and sleighs, but the soldiers would have to march and 
drag their supplies with them. 

" I had an amusing thing happen to me the last time I went 
over the Trans-Siberian. Our train had jumped the track, and 
I remarked to an official that such a proceeding was dangerous 
business. 

" 'Oh,' he said, ' that's nothing ; we have run off the rails as 
often as eleven times a day.' " 

Notwithstanding the many insecurities of her position, 



777^ ARMY AND NAVY OF RUSSIA 323 

Russia had mobilized a force almost equal in strength and 
numbers to that of her smaller enemy. 

According to the statement issued by the United States 
Bureau of Military Information, Russia had about 262,000 men 
stationed in Manchuria and on her line of railway in Eastern 
Siberia. Russia had, according to the report a yearly contin- 
gent of 335,525 men and a total war strength of 5,757,620 
men. The peace establishment given was 1,167,000 men, or 
1. 01 per cent, of the total population. It was estimated that 
the Russian national wealth would reach $160 billions, of 
which $14 billions were movable capital. 

The Russian railway force in Southern Manchuria con- 
sisted of four brigades of about 22,000 men, including infan- 
try, artillery, and cavalry. Out of these forces a reserve of 
10,000 men was disposed so as to garrison the important points 
on the railway, the most important of these being the station of 
Lia-o-yang, where a force of at least 3,000 men was maintained. 
There were said to be about 15,000 men at Tsitsikar, perhaps 
60,000 at Harbin, 40,000 more along the Sungari River, 
20,000 at Mukden, 20,000 at Kirin and along the Nonni River, 
5,000 at the Sungari River railway bridge, 40,000 at Vladivo- 
stok and Nikolskoi, 35,000 at Port Arthur and some 5,000 men 
at Dalny. 

An official handbook of Russia, under the head of " Mili- 
tary Service," which became compulsory in 1874, gives an idea 
of the immense resources from which the Slav's armies were 
recruited : 

" All the male population capable of service, from the 
ages of 21 to 43, enter into the composition of the armed 
forces of the state. Some, however, belong to the regular 
permanent troops, while others are counted as militia, opoltche- 
nie, and are called out only in time of war, and then princi- 
pally for service in the rear of the regular army. The general 
term of service in the regular army is eighteen years, four 



324 THE ARMY AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 

of which are passed with the colors, and fourteen in the 
reserves. 

" The term of active service is diminished in proportion 
to education, the shortest term being one year. There are in 
Russia a great many exceptions to the rule of obligatory ser- 
vice, as the full number of conscripts afforded by the whole 
population is not necessary to complete the cadres in time of 
peace. For instance, the cadres of the Russian army on a 
peace footing represent about 900,000 men, called out for four 
years ; consequently 225,000 conscripts are required annually ; 
but in view of completely filling up the ranks of the army in 
case of war, the yearly contingent is fixed at 265,000 men. 
The population furnishes yearly 880,000 men of 21 years of 
age, which is three times the required number. Therefore the 
remaining two-thirds have to be relieved in some way or other 
from the duties of active service. 

" The principal ground for exemption is physical incapac- 
ity, and for this reason about 290,000 conscripts are made free 
of military service every year. In the next place the privilege 
is granted for domestic reasons ; as, for instance, in the case 
of an only son of a family, or an eldest son assisting his father 
when his brothers are not ready for work. Medical men, 
clergymen, dispensing chemists, teachers, etc., are at once in- 
cluded in the reserve for eighteen years. The remainder of 
the superfluous conscripts are exempted by drawing lots. Out 
of the yearly contingent of 265,000 men, about 6,000 are placed 
in the navy." 

Under the regime in force in 1904 a Russian infantry reg- 
iment had four battalions, with one surgeon in each battalion, 
and a regimental surgeon, making five in all. A regiment of 
infantry is made up of sixteen companies. 

The Russian troops in the field wear white blouses, dark 
blue trousers and black leather boots, which come over the 
trousers ; the officers, close-fitting white frock coats, dark blue 



THE ARMY AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 325 

trousers and black high boots, in which the legs of the trousers 
are tucked. 

The Russian batteries were of small calibre and of old and 
obselete style. The infantry soldier carried no bayonet scab- 
bard, and the bayonet was always fixed. The ammunition he 
carried in pouches from the belt. 

The Cossack cavalry were mounted on strong, shaggy 
ponies. They carried a heavy sabre and rifle slung over their 
shoulders. Strange as it may seem, the government did not 
provide the troops with tentage. The men were supposed to 
build a sort of tent for themselves of whatever material avail- 
able from their surroundings. 

Their rations were of the simplest kind : hard brown 
bread, salt, pepper and tea, in a small amount given to every 
soldier for his day's ration. They were supposed to forage in 
the country that they occupied, and were therefore not prop- 
erly provided with food. 

Their medical department was not at all up to the stan- 
dard of the Japanese. The hospital beds were constructed of 
iron legs with connecting iron bars to form the head and foot ; 
across this were laid rough boards. A sack filled with straw 
on this constituted the hospital bed for the soldier. 

The Russian soldiers in China did not carry the " first aid " 
package, and had it not been for the Red Cross Society they 
would have fared badly. 

The Russian navy in the Far East was slightly weaker 
than the Japanese, though, could the Czar have mobilized his 
Baltic and Euxine squadrons, he would have been overwhelm- 
ingly stronger than the Mikado. On the Eastern seaboard he 
had three important naval bases, Port Arthur, Dalny, and 
Vladivostok. Dalny, the " fiat city," and projected terminus 
of the Chinese Eastern Railway extension from Vladivostok, 
was scarcely yet completed, and hence the fleet, divided in two 
squadrons, lay at Vladivostok and Port Arthur. This separation 



326 THE ARMY AND NA VY OF RUSSIA 

was, from the first, a weak point of which the Japanese 
took the fullest advantage in striking their fatal blow at Port 
Arthur. Had the two divisions of the Russian fleet succeeded 
in joining forces the sea fighting would probably have been 
much more stubborn. 

Although no one, outside of the Russian officials them- 
selves, was informed with absolute certainty of her military 
strength, her available naval forces at the beginning of hostili- 
ties were believed by accurate statisticians to consist of the 
following vessels : 

AT OR NEAR PORT ARTHUR. 

BATTI^ESHIPS. 

Displacement. Principal Armament. 

Retvizan 12,700 Four 12 -inch, twelve 6 -inch guns. 

Pobieda 12,700 Four lo-inch, eleven 6-inch guns. 

Peresviet 12,700 Four lo-inch, eleven 6-incli guns. 

Petropavlovsk 10,960 Four 12-inch, twelve 6-inch guns. 

Poltava . 10,960 Four 1 2 -inch, twelve 6 -inch guns. 

Sevastopol 10,960 Four 12-inch, twelve 6-inch guns. 

Czarevitch 13,110 Four 12-inch, twelve 6-inch guns. 

ARMORED CRUISER, FIRST- CI.ASS. 

Bayan 7,i8o Two 8-inch, eight 6-inch guns. 

PROTECTED CRUISERS, SECOND CLASS. 

Boyarin . 3,200 Six 4.7-inch guns. 

Variag 6,500 Twelve 6-inch guns. 

Pnllada 6,630 Eight 6-inch guns. 

Almaz 6,500 Twelve 6 -inch guns. 

Diana 6,630 Eight 6-inch guns. 

Novik 3,000 Six 4.7-inch guns. 

Aurora 6,630 Eight 6 -inch guns. 

Askold 6,500 Twelve 6-inch guns. 

UNPROTECTED CRUISERS, THIRD CLASS. 

Armored gunboats 3 Torpedo-boat destroyers ... 19 

Unarmored gunboats .... 4 . Torpedo boats 6 

Torpedo gunboats 2 And various smaller craft. 

Auxiliary cruiser i 



THE ARMY AND NAVY OF RUSSIA 327 

AT VLADIVOSTOK. 

ARMORED CRUISERS, FIRST CLASS. 

Displacement. Principal Armament. 

Gromoboi 12,336 Four 8-inch, sixteen 6-inch guns. 

Rossia 12,200 Four 8-inch, sixteen 6-inch guns. 

Rurik io>933 Four 8-inch, sixteen 6-inch guns. 

PROTECTED CRUISER. 

Bogatyr 6,500 Twelve 6-inch guns. 

Torpedo boats, 10. 

By the middle of April, 1904, Russia had sustained the 
complete loss of six vessels. The cruiser Variag and gunboat 
Korietz were sunk in Chemulpo by the Japanese on February 
9th; the cruiser Boyarin went down two days later; on the 
twelfth of February a mine -laying transport, the Yenesei was 
blown up by one of her own mines; the torpedo boat, Skori, 
met a similar fate on March 13th; and on April 13th, the 
battleship Petropavlovsk, with Admiral Makaroff, his staff, and 
more than 600 men, was blown up by the Japanese off Port 
Arthur and sent to the bottom in less than three minutes. 
The same day a destroyer, the Strashni, was shelled and sunk. 

Of the remaining battleships and cruisers at Port Arthur, 
every one, except the Peresviet, had been more or less damaged 
by shell or torpedo. 

In financial strength, which plays the sleeping partner in 
the business of modern war, Russia's position was better than 
Japan's, though neither country possessed the funds or credit 
of some other great modem nations. Russia's great revenue 
was used up in the great enterprises which lay in governmental 
control; the Trans-Siberian Railway and the development of 
Manchuria had helped to turn her $100,000,000 of surplus into 
a considerable yearly deficit. On the other hand, Japan's debt 
had mounted enormously since her war with China, and her 



328 THE ARMY AND NAVY OF RUSSIA 

expenses were increasing with every year of her progress in 
modem civiHzation. 

The following figures are interesting for comparison of 
the two countries' resources at the outset of the war: 

Japan. Russia. 

Area square miles 162,655 8,650,081 

Population 44,000,000 140,000,000 

Yearly revenue $112,000,000 $1,000,000,000 

Foreign commerce 250,000,000 700,000,000 

Their relative strength, however, was best shown on the 
stock market. On February 13th Japanese four per cent, 
bonds sold in London at 69^, while Russian four per cent, 
brought 90^. Making allowance for the support which the 
Russian government was supposed to be giving its securities 
for the sake of national credit, a favorable sentiment inclined 
to the Russian investments ; and the fact that a large amount 
of her certificates were held in France, practically insured that 
any subsequent loans would be placed with the thrifty inhabi- 
tants of that country. On the other hand, Japan had tried, 
not long before, to negotiate a loan in this country, and had 
met with little encouragement; Americans in general feeling 
that other investments were preferable to the pledges of a 
country already deeply mortgaged and about to embark on a 
costly war. 



/ 




THE BAND OF A COSSACK REGIMENT PLAYING MARTIAL MUSIC 

The Russian troops, unlike troops of other countries, march to the music of their own songs, accompanied 
by cymbals, bells and tambourines struck with a drum stick. Any assembly of Russian peasants, even a 
group of children, can sing magnificently, taking all the parts correctly. 




WAR VESSELS MADE FAMOUS 
The upper picture represents the Russian Man-of-War "Kreizer," the lower the Japanese Cruiser "Naniwa." 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

The Beginning and Causes of a Great War 

Many Causes of the Rupture between Russia, the Great Empire of the East 
and Japan, the Island Kingdom — A Long Period of Negotiations — War Hangs 
in the Balance — Statements Issued by Contending Parties. 

THE fundamental causes which for half a century had 
been leading up to the outbreak of 1904 were the natural 
antagonisms between the national ambitions of both 
Russia and England. Far seeing English statesmen have real- 
ized that the supremacy of that country is dependent upon the 
superiority of her navy, made necessary by her insular position. 

As a logical result of Russia's policy of continental expan- 
sion, eventually her interests will come into conflict with Eng- 
land's desire for continued supremacy of the high seas. 

English thinkers have been keenly alive to the gravity of 
this situation, and British diplomatic intrigue for at least two 
generations of statesmanship has been guided toward the pre- 
vention of Russia's naval growth, which once started, her im-. 
mense natural resources obviously threaten England's ascend- 
ency on the sea. British diplomacy so far has been pre-emin- 
ently successful, to the deep chagrin of the Czar's ministers. 

With the exception of Russia's sea-ports on the Baltic, 
which, for a great part of the year are practically closed by the 
rigors of semi-arctic climate conditions, her only other undis- 
puted deep water port was Vladivostok on the Japan Sea which 
suffers from similar climatic disadvantages. The chief object 
of Russia's occupation of Manchuria was for the purpose of 
establishing at Port Arthur a harbor open to the sea the 
entire year. 

329 



330 BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 

Antagonism to this happened to unite the interests of 
Great Britain and Japan. Therefore, England's traditional 
policy made her the natural ally of Japan in this struggle. 

The struggle, which began actively with the naval battle 
on Monday, January 9, 1904, off Port Arthur, on the coast of 
China, had been brewing for many years, and may be ascribed 
largely to the greed of both Japan and Russia to become the 
owners and possessors of the small country, which has been 
known, on account of its solitary existence and its aloofness 
from other nations, as the " Hermit Kingdom. " Better known 
as Korea, it is a peninsula, extending down between the Yellow 
Sea and the Japan Sea, and only a few hours' sail from the 
Island Kingdom. 

There was another cause for this war, which must not be 
overlooked, and which is to be found in the feeling of revenge 
on the part of Japan for the loss of the fruit of her victory 
over China in 1895. Through diplomatic manipulations, 
Russia gained possession of Port Arthur, and the territory 
which Japan had actually taken by force from China, and 
which rightly belonged to her, but, with the aid of other 
European countries, Russia succeeded in getting the full con- 
trol of Port Arthur, and later becoming supreme in Manchuria,* 
practically annexed that entire territory to the Russian domain. 
Hence Japan had been preparing to avenge herself upon the 
powerful nation. 

Russia, as it has appeared, agreed to vacate Manchuria 
the 8th of October, 1903, but failed to do so. On the other 
hand she steadily encroached upon Japan's interests in Korea. 
The Mikado demanded, on the part of Japan, that the Czar 
should carry out his pledge and recognize Korea as a Japanese 
sphere of influence. All offers of compromise were spurned, 
and Japan strengthened her position by an alliance made with 
Great Britain in 1902. The latter country saw that it was to 
her interest to have an ally in the Far East to oppose the 



BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 331 

progress of Russia towards acquiring supreme influence in the 
Eastern Hemisphere. Finally, Japan declared that she was 
ready to fight for her rights, even unaided. 

Both sides in the stniggle issued statements defining and 
describing their respective positions, and the causes which led 
to a break in the peace negotiations between the two countries, 
and leaving it finally to the arbitrament of the sword. We 
give here both- statements. 

RUSSIA'S STATEMENT 

By an official communication the Russian account of the 
negotiations which led to the rupture, was as follows: 

"Last year the Tokio Cabinet, under the pretext of 
establishing the balance of power and a more settled order of 
things on the shores of the Pacific, submitted to the imperial 
government a proposal for a revision of the existing treaties 
with Korea. 

" Russia consented, and Viceroy Alexieff was charged to 
draw up a project for a new understanding with Japan in 
co-operation with the Russian Minister at Tokio, who Was 
entrusted with the negotiations with the Japanese government. 
Although the exchange of views with the Tokio Cabinet on 
this subject were of a friendly character, Japanese social circles 
and the local and foreign press attempted in every way to 
produce a warlike ferment among the Japanese and to drive 
the government into an armed conflict with Russia. Under 
the influence thereof, the Tokio Cabinet began to formulate 
greater and greater demands in the negotiations, at the same 
time taking most extensive measures to make the country 
ready for war. 

"All these circumstances could not, of course, disturb 
Russia's equanimity, but they induced her also to take military 
and naval measures. Nevertheless, to preserve peace in the 
Far East, Russia, so far as her incontestable rights and interests 



356 BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 

permitted, gave the necessary attention to the demands of the 
Tokio Cabinet and declared herself ready to recognize Japan's 
privileged commercial and economic position in the Korean 
peninsula, with the concession of the right to protect it by 
military force in the event of disturbances in that country. 

" At the same time, while rigorously observing the funda- 
mental principle of her policy regarding Korea, whose inde- 
pendence and integrity were guaranteed by previous under- 
standings with Japan and by treaties with other powers, Russia 
insisted on three points: 

" One — On a mutual and unconditional guarantee of this 
principle. 

"Two — On an undertaking to use no part of Korea for 
strategic purposes, as the authorization of such action on the 
part of any foreign power was directly opposed to the princi- 
ple of the independence of Korea. 

"Three — On the preservation of the full freedom of nav- 
igation of the straits of Korea. 

"The project elaborated in this sense did not satisfy the 
Japanese government, which in its last proposals not only 
declined to accept the conditions which appeared as the guar- 
antee of the independence of Korea, but also began at the 
same time to insist on provisions to be incorporated in a pro- 
ject regarding the question of Manchuria. Such demands on 
the part of Japan, naturally, were admissible, the question of 
Russia's position in Manchuria, concerning in the first place 
China, but also all the Powers having commercial interests in 
China. 

"The imperial government, therefore, saw absolutely no 
reason to include in a special treaty with Japan regarding 
Korean affairs, any provisions concerning territory occupied 
by Russian troops. The imperial government, however, did 
not refuse, so long as the occupation of Manchuria lasts, to 
recognize both the sovereignty of the Emepror of China in 



BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 333 

Manchuria, and also the rights acquired there by other Powers 
through treaties with China. A declaration to this effect had 
already been made to the foreign cabinets. 

" In view of this, the imperial government, after charging 
its representatives at Tokio to present its reply to the last pro- 
posal of Japan, was justified in expecting the Tokio Cabinet 
to take into account the considerations set forth above, and 
that it would appreciate the wish manifested by Russia to come 
to a peaceful understanding with Japan. -Instead of this, the 
Japanese government, not even awaiting this reply, decided to 
break off negotiations and suspend diplomatic relations. The 
imperial government, while laying on Japan the full responsi- 
bility for any consequences of such a course of action, will 
await the development of events, and the moment it become^ 
necessary, will take the most decisive measures for the protec- 
tion of its rights and interests in the Far East." 

JAPAN'S STATEMENT 

The following is the text of a statement issued by the 
Japanese government setting forth its position: 

"Section i. — It being indispensable to the welfare and 
safety of Japan to maintain the independence and territorial 
integrity of Korea and to safeguard her paramount interests 
therein, the Japanese government finds it impossible to view 
with indifference any action endangering the position of 
Korea, whereas Russia, notwithstanding her solemn treaty, 
with China, and her repeated assurances to the Powers, not 
only continues her occupation of Manchuria, but has taken 
aggressive measures in Korean territory. Should Manchuria 
be annexed to Russia the independence of Korea would natur- 
ally be impossible. 

"The Japanese government, therefore, being desirous of 
securing permanent peace for Eastern Asia, by means of direct 
negotiations with Russia with the view of arriving at a friendly 



334 BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 

adjustment of their mutual interests in both Manchuria and 
Korea where their interests met, communicated toward the end 
of July last such desire to the Russian government, and invited 
its adherence. To this the Russian government expressed a 
willing assent. Accordingly, on the 12th of August the Japa- 
nese government proposed to Russia through its representa- 
tive at St. Petersburg the base of an agreement, which was 
substantially as follows: 

" I — A mutual engagement to respect the independence 
and territorial integrity of the Chinese and Korean empires. 

" 2 — ^A mutual engagement to maintain for the people 
an equal opportunity for the commercial industry of all nations 
with the natives of those countries. 

" 3 — ^A reciprocal recognition of Japan's preponderating 
interests in Korea, and that Russia has special interest in rail- 
way enterprise in Manchuria, and a mutual recognition of the 
respective rights of Japan to take measures necessary for the 
protection of the above-mentioned interests so far as the prin- 
ciple of Article i is infringed. 

" 4 — ^The recognition by Russia of the exclusive rights of 
Japan to give advice and assistance to Korea in the interest of 
reform and good government. 

" 5 — The engagement on the part of Russia to unimpede 
the eventual extension of the Korean railway into Southern 
Manchuria so as to connect with Eastern China and the Shan- 
hai-Kwan-New-Chwang lines. 

" It was the intention of the Japanese government origi- 
nally that a conference should take place between the represen- 
tatives at St. Petersburg and the Russian authorities, so as to 
facilitate progress as much as possible in reaching a solution of 
the situation, but the Russian government absolutely refused 
to do so on the plea that the Czar planned a trip abroad, and 
for other reasons it was unavoidably decided to conduct the 
negotiations at Tokio. 



BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 335 

*' It was not until October 3d that the Russian govern- 
ment presented counterproposals, in which it declined to 
engage in respect to the sovereignty and territorial integrity 
of China, and stipulated the maintenance of the principle of 
equal opportunities for the commerce and industry of all nations 
in China, and requested that Japan declare Manchuria and its 
littoral as being entirely outside of her sphere and interest. 
She further put several restrictions upon Japan's freedom of 
action in Korea; for instance, while recognizing Japan's right 
to despatch troops when necessary for the protection of her 
interests in Korea, Russia refused to allow her to use any por- 
tion of Korean territory for strategical purposes. 

" In fact, Russia went so far as to propose to establish a 
neutral zone in Korean territory north of the 39th parallel. 
The Japanese government utterly failed to see why Russia, 
who professed no intention of absorbing Manchuria, should be 
disinclined to insert in the convention a clause in complete 
harmony with her own repeatedly declared principle respecting 
the sovereignty and territorial integrity of China. 

" Furthermore this refusal of the Russian government im- 
pressed the Japanese government all the more with the neces- 
sity of the insertion of a clause to the effect that Japan has 
important commercial interests in Manchuria and entertains 
no small hopes of their further development, and that politi- 
cally Japan has even interests there by reasons of its relations 
to Korea; so that she could not possibly recognize Manchuria 
as being entirely outside her sphere of interest. These reasons 
decided Japan absolutely to reject the Russian proposal. The 
Japanese government explained the above views, and at the 
same time introduced other necessary amendments in the 
Russian counterproposal. 

"They further proposed with regard to a neutral zone 
that if one was to be created it should be established on both 
sides of the boundary line between Manchuria and Korea 



336 BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 

and of equal width, say fifty kilometres. After repeated dis- 
cussions at Tokio, the Japanese government finally presented 
to the Russian government their definite amendment on 
October 13th. 

''The Japanese government then frequently urged the 
Russian government for a reply. In that reply Russia sup- 
pressed clauses relating to Manchuria so as to make the pro- 
posed convention apply entirely to Korea, and maintained its 
original demand in regard to the non-employment of Korean 
territory for strategical purposes, as well as a neutral zone, but 
the exclusion of Manchuria from the proposed convention 
was contrary to the original object of the negotiations, which 
were to remove causes of conflict between the two countries 
by a friendly arrangement of their interests both in Manchuria 
and Korea. 

" The Japanese government asked the Russian govern- 
ment to reconsider the question, and again proposed the 
removal of the restriction regarding the use of Korean terri- 
tory and the entire suppression of the neutral zone on the 
ground that if Russia was opposed to the establishment of 
one in Manchuria it should not establish one in Korea. 

"The last reply of Russia was received at Tokio on 
January 6th. In this reply it is true that Russia proposed to 
agree to insert the following clause in the proposed agree- 
ment: 

" ' The recognition by Japan of Manchuria and its littoral 
as outside her sphere and interest, whilst Russia within the 
limits of that province would not impede Japan, or any other 
Power, in the enjoyment of rights and privileges acquired by 
them under existing treaties with China exclusive of the estab- 
lishment. ' 

" But this was proposed to be agreed upon only upon con- 
ditions maintaining the clauses regarding a neutral zone in 
Korean territory and the employment of Korean territory for 



BEGINNING AND CAUSES OF A GREAT WAR 337 

strategical purposes, the conditions whereof were impossible to 
Japan's acceptance, as had already been fully explained to 
them. It should further be observed that no mention was. 
made at all of the territorial integrity of China in Manchuria, 
and it must be self-evident to everybody that the engagement 
now proposed by Russia would be unpractical in value so long 
as it was unaccompanied by a definite stipulation regarding the 
territorial integrity of China in Manchuria, since treaty rights 
are only co-existing with sovereignty. 

"Eventually absorption of Manchuria by Russia would 
annul at once those rights and privileges acquired by the 
Powers in Manchuria by virtue of treaties with China." 



29 



CHAPTER XXX. 

Peace or War 

THE CRISES PRECEDING HOSTILITIES 

The Japanese "Monroe Doctrine" — Russian Pledges t;5. Russian Actions — Japanese 
Military and Naval Activity — Significant Japanese Imperial Ordinances — The 
Sinews of War — Depression of Values on Stock Exchange — Secrecy of Negotia- 
tions — War Inevitable. 

THE calm before the storm was never more indicative of 
the violence of the subsequent outbreak than the many 
quiet but tensely significant tremors which thrilled 
throughout the Island Empire during the weeks immediately 
preceding hostilities. The usually peaceful Japanese appar- 
ently showed no outward change of his Oriental placidity, but, 
under the surface, countless indications of the approaching 
storm revealed to the observing eye the tension of the 
moment. 

To clearly understand the situation, a summary statement 
of the events which shaped the crisis must be considered. In 
1895 Japan waged a successful war against China, for the pur- 
pose of ending an intolerable protectorate exercised by China 
over Korea — acting in this matter very much as the United 
States did in waging a war of liberation for Cuba. At the end 
of that war, Japan actually occupied the greater part of Man- 
churia, as an indemnity for the war ; and China, in her treaty 
of peace, had definitely ceded the territory to Japan. Russia, 
alleging that occupation of Manchuria by Japan was a menace 
to the peace of the Orient, then secured the co-operation of 
Germany and France to oust Japan from Manchuria. The 
sequel to this was unopposed occupation of Kiao-Chati by 

338 



PEACE OR WAR 339 

Germany and of Port Arthur by Russia, and the consequent 
real and constant peril to the peace of the Far East. Mean- 
while, Korea was tactily and generally recognized to be an 
exclusive "sphere of influence" of Japan, but open to general 
trade. The Nishi-Rosen convention of 1898 was intended by 
Japan to secure, so far as concerned Russia, immunity against 
aggression in Korea. The necessity of preventing ascendency 
in Korea of any potential enemy is tradition and a cardinal 
principle of Japanese diplomacy. Its maintenance is regarded 
by Japan as even more vital to her than maintenance of the 
Monroe Doctrine is regarded as vital by the United States. 

The next chapter opens with the "Boxer" outbreak in 
1900. After that disturbance ended, the several Powers con- 
cerned in restoring order in China adopted a definite treaty 
of peace, according to which it was agreed to respect, even to 
maintain, the integrity of China. Russia was a signatory of 
this treaty. In consonance with the requirements of her 
treaty obligations, Russia surprised those familiar with her 
shrewd and unscrupulous aggressive policy by voluntarily fix- 
ing a term within which, after ratification of the treaty, she 
would evacuate Manchuria; her troops having been mean- 
while retained there to guard her railways. When this term 
expired, April, 1903, Russia had neither withdrawn her troops 
nor evinced any serious intention to do so. In view of special 
interests involved, Japan pressed Russia with inquiries to 
ascertain her real purpose concerning Manchuria. Since both 
England and the United States were also manifesting great 
interest in the question, it is probable that Russia was espe- 
cially inclined to make a satisfactory reply. In any event, 
Russia then assured Japan that evacuation would be accom- 
plished within a further period of six months. By October 8, 
1903, the date thus fixed, Russian pledges were still unkept. 
On the contrary, Russia had in the interim been busy building 
fortifications, sending out troops and supplies, adding to her 



340 PEACE OR WAR 

Asiatic fleet ; had even occtipied new posts, and given evidences 
of an intention, not merely to remain in Manchuria, but also 
to extend the scope of her aggressions even to Korea. 

After that time, Japan patiently, yet with the persist- 
ency born of vital motives, pressed Russia in negotiation, with 
a view to arrive at a peaceful settlement of differences, and 
to obtain a guarantee for the protection of interests which 
Japan considers vital to herself. Russia met this surprisingly 
moderate and conciliatory attitude with a policy of temporiz- 
ing and evasion, delaying her replies, evading questions, and 
dragging in irrelevant issues. She, meanwhile, continued to 
build fortifications, to forward troops and supplies, to send out 
every available warship, in every possible way to strengthen 
her grip on the bone of contention and to perfect her naval 
and military equipment. Thus, while nomiinally negotiating 
with Japan as a friendly Power, she all the while added 
irritation and provocation to her insolent disregard of Japan's 
rights and claims. In the meantime, Japan strictly observed 
all proprieties, and did not, until the last week of the year, 
move a single soldier, add a single ship to her navy, or other- 
wise make a single menacing special preparation. 

Actual crisis resulted immediately from steps taken on 
and after December 28. On that date four important impe- 
rial ordinances were issued. Two of these relate to the 
superior organization of the army and navy. They were 
intended primarily (i) to secure efficient co-operation between 
military and naval arms of the service, and (2) to accord to 
the chief of each branch of the service equal voice and equal 
access to the Sovereign in offering advice and considering 
plans of campaign. (Hitherto, the Chief of the General Staff 
had a right to consult directly with the Emperor while the 
Chief of the Naval Board had not that right.) The other 
two ordinances provided: (i) for raising funds to meet the 
"expenses reqmred for the maintenance of the armaments," 



PEACE OR WAR - 341 

and (2) for speedy completion of the Seoul- Ftisan Railway. 
For the first purpose the Government was empowered " to raise 
temporary loans, to draw upon the funds belonging to special 
accounts, and to issue treasury notes." The only limita- 
tions on this power were: (i) that rates of interest on obliga- 
tions incurred should not exceed 6 per cent. ; and (2) that the 
maximum period of redemption should be for temporary loans 
two years, and for treasury notes five years. The "funds 
belonging to special accounts" aggregated something over a 
hundred million yen.* In order to expedite construction of the 
Seoul- Fusan Railway, the Government undertook two obliga- 
tions: (i) It guaranteed the principal and interest, not 
exceeding 6 per cent. , on bonds issued by the company within 
the limit of ten million yen; (2) in view of the fact that haste 
would increase the cost of constructing the railway, the Govern- 
ment granted to the company a cash subsidy of 1,750,000 yen, 
with a further contingent grant of 450,000 yen. Loans were 
authorized to raise the funds for this subsidy. In order to 
protect itself and to assure the execution of its purposes, the 
Government reserved the right to appoint three managing 
directors and to maintain official inspection of the works and 
the accounts of the company. In event of military occupation 
of Korea or of military operations in Manchuria by Japan, the 
strategic value of this railway would be immense; hence the 
urgency of its construction at this juncture. 

Coincident with the issue of the imperial ordinances, most 
extraordinary activity in all military and naval circles began. 
It was announced that the usual New Year holiday of ten days 
would be this year contracted to a single day for arsenals, 
dockyards, and many Government offices. The newspapers 
published reports that troops of the large garrisons at Sendai 
and Kumamoto were ordered to be ready for a winter cam- 
paign, that active preparations were in progress at all barracks 

* A yen is equivalent to 50 cents American money. 



342 PEACE OR WAR 

and naval stations, that large orders for a new and specially 
efficient kind of transport wagon were placed with the Tokio 
Arsenal, to be filled in the shortest possible time. These 
reports were credible and were credited, because only one or 
two of the least important journals in the capital had pre- 
viously been guilty of jingoism or sensationalism, while these 
reports were published by all; and especially because they 
were confirmed by reports of mercantile establishments which 
were selling unusual quantities of personal supplies to army 
and navy men; and by many evidences visible to observant 
persons. Meanwhile, cable messages reported large purchases 
by Japan of flour in the United States, and of coal both at 
Norfolk, Va., and in England, as well as of the two cruisers 
just completed in Italy to the order of Argentina. It was gen- 
erally known that the Govemm-ent had been in negotiation 
with the large state-subsidized mercantile marine company, 
Nippon Yusen Kaisha, as to terms for using its ships as 
transports, and had already intimated to bankers that their 
assistance might be needed to raise funds. Finally, the Gov- 
ernment issued, January 5, an order which prohibited journal- 
istic publication of any news relating to the movements of 
Japanese troops or warships. At the same time, it was 
rumored that 20,000 troops had moved out from Kumamoto. 
The extremely serious aspect of affairs had, on the preceding 
day (the first business day of the year) been signalized by a 
sudden drop in values, ranging from 10 to 25 per cent, of the 
last-quoted market price. Subsequently there was a very 
slight recovery, but values continued, under the gravity of the 
situation, to sag near the recent extraordinary minimum. 
Under the circumstances, the laying of the facts before the 
foreign governments is here regarded as about the last pacific 
move on the part of Japan. 

The utmost secrecy had successfully guarded the pro- 
posals and counter-proposals of Russo-Japanese negotiations. 



PEACE OR WAR 343 

Even while presenting the facts to foreign governments, the 
Japanese Government had refused to take its own people into 
its confidence; but it is well known that the conference 
between Ministers and Elder Statesmen on December 16 
formulated the "irreducible minimum" of Japan's demands, 
and that this was the basis of the last Japanese communica- 
tion transmitted to Russia on December 21. Persistent ru- 
mors, emanating apparently from Berlin, represented the 
return by Russia of another temporizing reply, alleging that 
Russia would neither grant nor reject all of the Japanese 
demands, but open new subjects for negotiation. But that 
meant in the end only war, for Japan was in dead earnest, and 
she was determined no longer to let Russia temporize while 
using the time to strengthen her position against Japan. The 
nation was a unit, and the most conservative papers persistently 
voiced its sentiment, viz., that, in view of the Russian mode of 
procedure and the moderation of Japan's demands, nothing 
remained to negotiate. Hence it was obvious that the Rus- 
sian reply must be reducible to a simple "yes" or "no." 
This reply did not come, but instead a temporizing one. It has 
been believed in some quarters that the Russian Viceroy or 
other high officials delayed the transmission of communica- 
tions from the Russian Government to the Japanese Govern- 
ment, and in consequence the latter, on February 6, 1904, 
broke off further negotiations, declared war, and startled the 
world with the unexpected and brilliant attack upon Port 
Arthur, which resulted in a victory as remarkable as it was 
sudden. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

First Attack on Port Arthur 

Occupation of Port Arthur by the Russians — The Gibraltar of the East — Beginning 
of the War — Sailing of Japanese Fleet — Russians Fire First Shot — Battle of 
Port Arthur, February 8-9, 1904 — Defeat of Russian Fleet — Withdrawal of 
Japanese — Reports of Russian and Japanese Admirals of Battle. 

BY the occupying of Port Arthur at the end of the Liau- 
Tong peninsula, on December i8, 1897, and estabhsh- 
ing there one of the termini of the great trans-Siberian 
railway, Russia realized one of her fondest dreams — ^the pos- 
session of an open port on the sea in railway communication 
with the rest of her dominion. 

The Chinese fortifications which had been built by foreign 
engineers, were immediately re-constructed. The town was 
practically re-built, government buildings were erected, and 
improvements of every kind devised and carried out. The 
place was made a base of both naval and military supplies and 
stocked with great stores of food. 

A dry-dock was constructed, which though small, yet, 
under the skillful mangement of the Russian naval engineers, 
would be ample for all ordinary naval repairs required. In 
short, so greatly did the Russians appreciate the strategic 
value of this stronghold that they left nothing undone which 
would make it in truth the " Gibraltar of the East." 

Port Arthur was thus obviously destined to be one of the 
first points of attack by the Japanese, and the characteristic 
energy and impetuosity of that people led careful observers to 
anticipate starthng developments in that quarter at the very 
outbreak of the war. 
344 




RUSSIAN SOLDIERS BIVOUACKING IN A CHINESE TEMPLE 

In sharp contrast with other nations, Russia does not appear to respect the religious customs and feelings of 
a conquered people. In her occupation of Manchuria her soldiers have invaded and occupied the temples 
-which the ChLne>e hold as tacred. England's policy has been directly the reverse. 



FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 345 

The breaking off of all diplomatic relations with Russia by 
Japan on January 6th, was the final signal of the beginning of 
hostilities. For weeks previously Japan had been landing 
troops disguised as coolies in Korea, and on the 7th she threw 
off all secrecy, and openly seizing the Korean port of Masampo, 
began the landing of an army corps. At the same time a 
division of Russian cruisers sailed southward into the Yellow 
Sea from Port Arthur. Meanwhile a Japanese naval division 
had sailed from Japanese waters presumably for Chemulpo, 
about midway on the western coast of Korea. It was confi- 
dently expected that these two fleets would meet in battle 
somewhere in the Yellow Sea. But the Russian fleet returned 
to the protection of the fortifications of Port Arthur within 
a few hours, without striking a blow. 

Although the first shot of the war was probably fired by 
the Russian warship Korietz at^a Japanese vessel the day 
before the fight at Chemulpo, the first general engagement 
between the opposing forces occurred at Port Arthur, begin- 
ning late at night on the same day, Monday, February 8, 1904. 
This resulted in a brilliant victory for the Japanese squadron 
sent ahead of the fleet and transports, which landed at Che- 
mulpo the day following, for the purpose of blocking at Port 
Arthur any attempted Russian interference with the latter 
movement. 

The moral effect of this victory was all-important, as it 
practically gave the Japanese control of the sea, ensured their 
uninterrupted transportation of troops, to the mainland and 
the further occupation of Korea, which composed the first 
stage of the war, preliminary to combined land and sea attacks 
on Russian positions in Manchuria. 

The attack of the Japanese fleet at Port Arthur was well 
timed. Many of the Russian naval officers were ashore, cele- 
brating with appropriate festivities the birthday of Admiral 
Stark, 



346 FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 

The Russian fleet outside of the harbor consisted c£ the 
battleship Petropavlovsk, flagship; Peresviet, sub-flagship; Po- 
bieda, Poltava, Czarevitch, Retvizan and Sevastopol, and the 
cruisers Novik, Boyarin, Bayan, Diana, Pallada, Askold and 
Aurora. Only one of the Russian warships was using search- 
lights, while in a leisurely fashion only three torpedo boats were 
patrolling the outskirts of the fleet ; all the other torpedo boats 
were inside the basin. Everything was tranquil, and the Rus- 
sians were not expecting the Japanese fleet for three or foiu: 
days. The lighthouse was already lighted and guiding lights 
were burning. About eight o'clock the Russian sailors chanted 
their evening prayers, and the hymn rolled out impressively 
along the water. 

The weather was perfect; it was not cold, and the sky 
was clear, with a light southerly breeze and a hazy horizon. 
Then deep silence settled down. About half-past eleven were 
heard three distinct but muflied explosions, one after another. 
Apparently they came from under the water, for all the 
ships in the harbor vibrated violently. Instantly firing with 
i2-pounders and 3-pounders began. Searchlights were placed, 
but without much method. The operations continued till mid- 
night, when the firing had almost ceased, entirely ceasing at 
three in the morning. The explanation was quickly and terri- 
bly discovered; ten Japanese torpedo boats had approached 
within half a mile of the Russian fleet, showing lights and fun- 
nel signals just like those of the Russians, and had crept quite 
close to the Russian ships before being discovered. Each of 
the Japanese boats discharged torpedoes, three of which took 
effect, striking the battleships Czarevitch and Retvizan and 
the cruiser Pallada. 

The instant after the ships were struck, the whole scene 
was illumined by the brilliant searchlights of the Russian war- 
ships whose decks were swarming with men. The Russian gtins 



FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 347 

instantly opened fire toward the sea and swept the water with 
a rain of lead. 

The firing lasted only for a short time ; then all was quiet 
for a while, although the searchlights illumined the water for 
an hour. Made bolder by their success, the Japanese torpedo 
boats again approached the enemy whom they had aroused 
and who was watching for them. Again the Russian search- 
lights sought their evasive and deadly enemy; again tremen- 
dous broadsides tore the waters. The Japanese did not 
answer with a shot. 

At 2 o'clock in the morning the Czarevitch and the Poltava 
steamed slowly in from the outer roads and were beached 
across the entrance to the harbor. They were soon followed 
by the cruiser Boyarin, which was badly listed, and whose 
steering apparatus seemed to be useless. She, too, was 
beached at the harbor's entrance. None of the vessels was 
seriously damaged above the waterline. 

Notwithstanding the continuous fire from the ships 
and forts, all the Japanese torpedo boats escaped. The 
disabled Russian battleships were inside Forts Huan-ching- 
shan and Chi-kwan-shan. The cruiser Boyarin lay out- 
side, but within range of the forts. The sun rose very red, 
disclosing the presence on the horizon of four two-funnel 
cruisers, on whose masts were afterward distinguished the flag 
of the Rising Sun of Japan. They came boldly within long 
distance range, and remained calmly watching for two hours 
after daybreak. 

The Japanese cruisers drew a fierce fire from the Rus- 
sian fleet and batteries, but for a while the latter, crippled 
by the loss of three vessels, seemed disinclined to accept 
the challenge to general action. The enemy's cruisers then 
rejoined the two divisions of the main fleet. 

A strange apathy seemed to possess the Russians. The 
crew of white-faced, gaping men crowded the forward decks of 



348 FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 

the damaged vessels. The cook of the Retvizan was seen 
calmly throwing out slops, and men in the other vessels were 
carefully washing the anchor chain while weighing the anchor. 
For a long time after the anchor was weighed no vessel 
showed a disposition to chase the Japanese or to fire a 
single shot, until, at half past eight, the enemy finally left, 
and were pursued by the Russian fleet, which proceeded 
toward Dalny, inshore of the Japanese. At a quarter after 
nine the Russians returned to their anchorage, no firing having 
occurred, and again came silence, everything having passed on 
with less noise than an ordinary naval review. 

It was about eleven o'clock Tuesday when the Japanese 
ships reappeared along the horizon. They were in fine order, in 
two lines of battle: five battleships, six first-class, and three 
second-class cruisers. The Russians had outside thirteen large 
vessels under Admiral Stark, on the flagship Petropavlovsk, 
and Rear Admiral Prince Uktomsky, on the flagship Peres- 
viet, excluding the Pallada, Czarevitch, the flagship of Rear , 
Admiral Mollas, and the Retvizan, which were lying across the 
inner harbor entrance. It was low water. At a quarter after' 
eleven came the first flash from a Japanese vessel. This 
landed a 12-inch shell near the torpedo boats and disabled a 
battleship. 

Seen from the town of Port Arthur the battle which 
ensued was a magnificent spectacle. The bombardment of 
the forts lasted till a quarter to twelve, the Japanese 
shooting with splendid precision. Two shells burst on the 
summit of one fort and numbers on the face of the cliffs 
and along the beach. All of them were heavy shells. 
About twenty others fell in the old town and western har- 
bor, where many steamers flying neutral flags were anchored, 
and after the commencement of the action all the people 
fled towards the hill outside the town for safety. The local 
pohce kept splendid order; there was no looting. The 



FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 349 

women and children were very brave. A little while after the 
first shell was fired a big 12-inch one exploded, smashing 
the office fronts of the Genshengs Yalu Concessions Com- 
pany and the Russo-Chinese Bank. The streets were then 
entirely deserted. 

Regiments from the adjoining barracks and camps came 
pouring through the town to take up defensive positions in the 
event of the Japanese landing. The Japanese warships 
steamed slowly past in an ellipse to westward and about 
four miles off, each vessel beginning to fire when opposite the 
Russian ships, which were two miles off shore. The action 
became general. There was no manoeuvering ; simply heavy 
fast firing on both sides. Over 300 shells were counted by an 
eye-witness on land, few of which reached their mark. Owing 
to the length of the range, most of the shells burst on contact 
with the water or land. Some threw out yellow smoke, but 
generally it was dense black smoke, temporarily concealing 
the ships. 

During the action several merchant steamers outside the 
roads moved their position, but none was allowed to leave 
anchorage in the harbor. Firing ceased at noon, the Japanese 
ships withdrawing southward, apparently undamaged. 

Afterwards the Czarevitch got off at high water and was 
towed into the large basin, where repairs were begun. The 
Pallada effected her own repairs and rejoined the fleet, leaving 
the Retvizan still aground. A sum of the casualties showed 
twenty-two killed and sixty-four wounded. Nearly half the 
casualties occurred on the Pallada and Novik. A stirring 
episode was the re-entrance into the harbor of the warships 
Czarevitch and Novik after the fight. They came in under 
their own steam, with bands playing and men cheering. 

The Japanese fleet sailed southward. At i o'clock all was 
quiet. The wounded were brought ashore and removed to hos- 
pitals. After Monday night's action many Japanese torpedoes 



350 FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 

Were found floating in the outside harbor. They were secured 
and their mechanism extracted. 

During the afternoon Alexieff ordered all women, children 
and non-combatants to leave, and the slow special trains which 
ran as often as possible to Dalny were crowded. The women 
and children were immediately removed in an English steamer. 

The stampede of Port Arthur that day had been almost 
complete. Hundreds of people rushed from the streets, and 
shop-owners, leaving everything — even bank books — behind, 
boarded the trains, which were packed as with herrings. 

The Japanese fleet which had wrought such havoc was 
commanded by Vice- Admiral Togo, and numbered fifteen ves- 
sels; The first division was made up of the Mikasa, the flag- 
ship, and the first-class battleships Asaki, Fuji, Yashima, Shi- 
kiskima and Hatsuse, and the despatch boat Tatsuma. 

Vice- Admiral Kamimura commanded the second division, 
which was composed of the flagship Idzumo, the Yakumo, As- 
ama, Iwate, all armored cruisers, and the Ckitose, Kasagi, 
Takasago and Yoshino, fast protected cruisers. 

In the first week of the war the Czar lost the use of three 
battleships, two armored cruisers, four protected or unarmored 
cruisers, a gunboat, a torpedo transport, and three boats of 
the Vladivostok squadron. Those not sunk, were, neverthe- 
less, so badly damaged that they could scarcely be repaired 
quickly enough to be of immediate use. The damage in 
money value amounted to a loss of nearly $20,000,000, 

Vice- Admiral Togo's oflicial report of the attack of the 
Japanese fleet at Port Arthur was written at sea February 10, 
at a point undisclosed by the Navy Department. The report 
briefly and modestly recounts the Japanese victory. Vice- 
Admiral Togo left the battle-ground not knowing the full 
extent of the damage his torpedo shells had inflicted, but he 
was evidently confident that the Russians had suffered heavily. 
A translation of the report follows : 



FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 351 

"After the combined fleet left Sasebo on February 6 
everything went as planned. At midnight February 8 our 
advance squadron attacked the enemy at Port Arthur. At 
the time the enemy's advance squadron was for the most part 
outside of Port Arthur. Of the advance squadron at least the 
battleship Poltava, the protected cruiser Askold and two others 
appeared to have been struck by our torpedoes. 

" On February 9 at noon our fleet advanced in the ofling 
of Port Arthur Bay, and attacked the rest of the enemy's ships 
for about forty minutes. The result of the attack is not yet 
known, but it is believed considerable damage was inflicted on 
the enemy, and I believe that they were greatly demoralized. 
They stopped fighting about i o 'clock, and appeared to retreat 
into the harbor. 

" In this action the damage to our fleet was very slight, 
and our fighting strength is not in the least decreased. The 
number of killed and wounded was fifty-eight. Of those, four 
were killed and fifty-four wounded. 

"A report of the engagement of the squadron at Che- 
mulpo has probably been sent to you already directly by 
Admiral Uriu. 

"Our advance squadron bore the brunt of the enemy's 
fire, and after the attack,, for the most part, rejoined the 
main f.eet. The imperial princes on board the ships are 
unharmed. 

"The conduct of all our officers during the action was 
cool, not unlike that during the ordinary manoeuvres. Since 
the battle their spirits have been high, but their conduct was 
very calm during the battle. This morning, owing to a heavy 
south wind, there has been no commtmication between the 
ships, and no detailed report has been received fromi each 
vessel, so I report merely the above facts. 

(Signed) "Togo." 



352 FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 

Admiral Alexieff, Russian Viceroy of the Far East to the 
Czar, telegraphed the following report of the battle to his sov- 
ereign on Februray lo: 

" A Japanese squadron of fifteen battleships and cruisers 
to-day began to bombard Port Arthur. The fortress replied, and 
the squadron weighed anchor in order to take part in the 
contest." 

A later telegram from the Viceroy read as follows : 

"After a bombardment lasting an hour the Japanese 
squadron ceased firing and steamed southward. Our losses 
were two naval officers and fifty-one men wounded and nine 
men killed. One man was killed and three were wounded on 
the coast batteries during the battle. 

"The battleship Poltava and the cruisers Diana, Askold 
and Novik were each damaged on the water line. The damage 
to the fort was insignificant." 

Another telegram from Alexieff referred to the first tor- 
pedo attack, and said: 

" Supplementing my first telegram, I annoimce that none 
of the three damaged ships were sunk. Their boilers and en- 
gines were not damaged. The Czarevitch's steering gear and 
the Retvizan's pumping apparatus below the water line were 
damaged. -The Pallada was damaged amidships, near her 
engines. 

" Immediately after the explosion cruisers went to their 
assistance, and, despite the darkness, measures were taken to 
bring the damaged ships into the inner harbor. 

"Two seamen were killed, five were drowned, and eight 
were wounded. 

"The enemy's torpedo boats were received, at the right 
time, by a heavy fire from the ships. 

" The unexploded torpedoes were found after the attack. 

(Signed) "Alexieff." 

In the night attack of February 8th, and the bombard- 



FIRST ATTACK ON PORT ARTHUR 353 

ment of the subsequent morning, Admiral Togo so crippled the 
Russian fleeet at Port Arthur that the Japanese were secure in 
transporting troops direct to Chemulpo for the projected 
invasion of Korea. Their fleet was practically undiminished in 
fighting strength, while that of the Czar had lost, at least tem- 
porarily, five of its finest vessels — the battleships Czarevitch, 
i;^,iio tons; Retvizan, i2,yoo tons; Poltava, io,g 60 tons; Sevas- 
topol, 10,960 tons; and the protet^ted cruisers Pallada, 6,630 
tons; Diana, 6,630 tons; Askold, 6,500 tons; Boyarin, 3,200 
tons; Novik, 3,000 tons. 



*3 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

The Battle Off Chemulpo 

Situation of Port of Chemulpo — Sailing of Japanese Fleet for Korean Ports— -Report 
of the Cruiser Chiyoda — First Landing of Japanese Troops at Cheniu\po — Ulti- 
matum to the Russian Battleships — Beginning of the Fight — Retirement of 
Both Forces — Last Dash of the Russian Ships — Defeat of the Russians — Res- 
cue of Crews by Foreign Vessels — Landing of More Japanese Troops — Occupa- 
tion of Seoul. 

TWENTY-FOUR miles from Seoul, the capital of Korea, 
is the port of Chemulpo, about midway on the west 
coast of Korea. Its proximity to the capital gives the 
port an important strategic value in the conquest of the penin- 
sula. Following the Japanese occupation of Masampo on 
Sunday, February 6th, and the landing of a division of 
troops at that point, and simultaneously with the Japanese 
naval attack on the Russian fleet at Port Arthur, a Japanese 
fleet accompanying troop transports entered the Yellow Sea 
with the intention of landing forces at Kunsan, considerably 
south of Chemulpo. 

But the Japanese cruiser Chiyoda, which left Chemulpo 
during the night, met the fleet and reported only two Russian 
war ships, the Variag and the Korietz, at Chemulpo. Conse- 
quently the Japanese fleet of twenty-one ships, including seven 
transports, continued the journey. 

At half -past four o'clock in the afternoon of February 8th 
the Japanese warships Akashi, Chiyoda, Takashiho, Naniwa 
and Mikasa, with seven torpedo boats and three transports 
entered Chemulpo Harbor, having on board 2,500 men. They 
began to land troops immediately in perfect order and under 
superb system, and by dawn of February 9th all the men were 
354 



THE BATTLE OFF CHEMULPO 355 

safely billeted on the Japanese concession. The war ships 
then withdrew. 

At ten o'clock the Japanese Consul warned the British 
residents that Admiral Uriu, commanding the squadron, had 
given the Russian senior officer, captain of the Variag and 
commander of the Korietz until noon to leave port, failing 
which he would begin action. At half -past eleven in the fore- 
noon the Variag and the Korietz steamed away and were met 
by eight Japanese vessels. The first gun was fired at twenty 
minutes to twelve o'clock. The Japanese scorning the Korietz, 
concentrated their fire on the Variag. The latter continually 
circled round, replying from her sides alternately, but it was 
apparent that her shooting was not good. On every side her 
shells went wide. It was observable that the Japanese gradu- 
ally closed, the battleship Mikasa doing most of the firing and 
effecting damage. At a quarter after one o'clock p. m. they 
ceased firing, as the Variag re-entered the harbor and took up 
a position with the Korietz, among other foreign war ships. 
One of her boilers was injured, and she was on fire astern. 
The flames were extinguished by flooding a compartment. 

Meanwhile the Japanese fleet withdrew. Two hours later 
the Russians attempted to break through the Japanese fleet, 
which was encountered four miles from the inner harbor, and 
then, with bands playing the national anthem, the interna- 
tional fleet loudly cheering the bravery and gallantry of the 
Russians, the Variag and Korietz faced the Japanese fleet in 
wiiat was certain death. There was a terrible explosion: the 
Korietz had been blown up by the Russians, whose men could 
be seen in boats pulling for the Variag. An immense colum.n 
of smoke arose and then cleared away, leaving the sight of the 
Korietz with funnels and masts just above water. Japanese 
ashore were wildly cheering. 

At twenty minutes after five o'clock p. m., fire appeared 
in the after part of the Variag and spread slowly. The Japanese 



356 THE BATTLE OFF CHEMULPO 

then stopped firing, and all tlie spectators, en sea and land, 
saw the Variag heel over surely, but barely perceptibly, 
and at five minutes after six o'clock sink with a rumble. 
The Russians admitted that the Korietz fired the first shot, 
and said that it was accidental. The Russians had made a 
brave fight against an immensely superior force, and the en- 
gagement was watched by thousands of persons on shore, who 
had gathered in anticipation of a collision. 

The American gunboat Vickshurg, the British cruiser 
Talbot, the French cruiser Pascal, and the Italian cruiser Elba 
also witnessed the engagement and saluted the victorious flag. 
The 'Korietz was utterly overmatched: destructive broadsides 
from the Japanese vessels raked her continuously until she 
sank. Many of the crew were killed by shells or drowned, 
and all the survivors who swam ashore were captured by 
Japanese soldiers. 

The Variag's commander, Captain Vladimir Behr, ordered 
his officers and crew to jump overboard and save themselves if 
they could, and then blew up the ship, thus sacrificing his own 
life. About 200 of the crew of 570 were killed or drowned. 
The Variag' s officers were: Captian Vladimr Behr, Lieuten- 
ant Commander Ivan Kraft, Lieutenant Volgoborodoff, Lieut- 
enant MasinofE , Lieutenant Vasilieff , Lieutenant Ivan Richter, 
Lieutenant Vladimir Posilenkoff, Lieutenant F. Sveredoff, 
Second Lieutenant Ivan Ekinhoff, Second Lieutenant L. 
Kovanko, Chief Engineer Ivan Lakeoff, Assistant Engineer 
Ivan Soldatoff, Assistant Engineer Vladimir Rodinn, Chief 
Surgeon August Zoot and Assistant Surgeon S. Jute. 

Upon the Japanese side not a man had been lost, and the 
fleet was practically undamaged. The great guns of the bat- 
tleships had poured a terrible and deadly flre upon the Variag, 
to which her smaller weapons could only make a gallant, but 
ineffectual, reply. A twelve inch shell had entered her port- 
quarter, totally wrecking her cabin, and starting a flre in that 




VICE-ADMIRAL TOGO 

Commander of one of the Japanese Squadrons 



THE BATTLE OFF CHEMULPO 



357 



portion of the ship. One of her boilers had been pierced and 
disabled by a ten inch shell, and the escaping steam scalded a 
number of her firemen. The entire starboard side of her 
bridge was carried away by a third projectile, sweeping the 
executive officer and quartermaster at the wheel into the sea. 
An ensign, who was signalling on the bridge at the time, was 
blown to atoms and, after the firing, no trace of him could 
be found except one hand still tightly clenching the flag. 
Another large shell struck one of her three inch guns, dis- 
mounted it, and killed the entire gun's crew. At the same 
time another shell burst over her main fighting top and dis- 
abled one of the lookouts. She had received other fatal shots 
in her coal bunkers, which caused her to list badly to port, and 
started a fire which burned until she sank. 

The Russians then seized and scuttled the steamship 
Sungari, which lay in the harbor, to prevent her capture and 
employment by the Japanese. 

This ended a brilliant defense on the part of the Czar's 
seamen, and at the same time paved the way for possibly dan- 
gerous international complications. 

Some few of the crew were drowned in the attempt to 
escape, but the men loyally aided their officers, of whom not one 
was thus lost. Many swam, not to the shore, but to the foreign 
men-of-war in the harbor, which promptly lowered boats and 
went to their rescue. 

The victorious Japanese now precipitated an acute situa- 
tion by twice making demands on the commanders of the three 
foreign vessels that the Russian refug'ees be surrendered to 
them as prisoners of war. 

The captain of the British cruiser Talbot, being the senior 
naval officer present, replied to the Japanese demands by 
stating that he awaited instructions from his government 
before complying, thus for a while staving off any strenuous 
action on the part of the Japanese. Meanwhile, his superior, 



358 THE BATTLE OFF CHEMULPO 

Sir Cyprian Bridge, the British Admiral in command of the 
Enghsh squadron in the harbor, ordered the captain of the 
Talbot not to deHver any of the 150 wounded Russians who 
had taken refuge on his vessel, to the Japanese unless the 
Russians so desired. 

The destruction of the Variag is of especial interest 
to Americans, because it was built at Cramp's shipyard at 
Philadelphia. It was completed in 1900, and the Czar was 
particularly well pleased with this specimen of American 
workmanship. The Variag was designed to come up to the 
highest requirements of a first-class high-speed protected 
cruiser, and carried a large and formidable battery of guns 
and torpedo tubes. Her main battery consisted of twelve 
six-mch, twelve fifty-calibre, seventy-five rapid-fire guns, and 
six three-pounder Hotchkiss guns. The torpedo battery num- 
bered one bow tube, one stern tube, and four broadside train- 
ing tubes. A protective deck of three-inch armor on the 
slope, and one and one-half inches on the flat, protected the 
machinery, magazines, and other vital parts of the ship. The 
thirty boilers of the Niclausse type, arranged in four groups, 
had a grate surface of 1,575 square feet, and a heating surface 
of 62,000 square feet. The speed requirements called for a 
sustained speed of twenty-three knots an hour for twelve 
hours, with open stoke holes. There were accommodations for 
twenty-one officers, nine petty officers, and. a crew of 550 men. 

The Korietz, the other Russian vessel destroyed, was still 
on the Russian navy list, but she had no value as a fighter. 
She was built in Stockholm, Sweden, and was of steel, 
206 feet in length, 35 feet in beam, 1,413 tons displacemen, 
and 1,500 indicated horse power. Her speed was thirteen 
knots, and her armament consisted of two 8-inch breech 
loaders, one 6-inch breech loader, four 4.7-inch quick firers, 
two 6-pounder quick firers, four i -pounder revolving cannon 
and two torpedo tubes. 



THE BATTLE OFF CHEMULPO 359 

I:nmediately following the battle the landing of more 
Japanese troops at Chemulpo was begun, and the march on 
Seoul followed. In all, 19,000 troops were disembarked at 
this point, and with the taking of Masampo the Japanese mili- 
tary occupation of the southern half of Korea was complete. 
Scores of Japanese transports, unimpeded by the Russians, 
were potiring troops into Korea at the different ports, and 
Seoul, the capital, was occupied in force. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 

Destruction of the Petropavlovsk 

Togo Mines the Channel of Port Arthur — Decoys the Russians from the Harbor — 
The Pursuit — Loss of the Strashni — Silence Before the Tragedy — Petropav- 
lovsk Blown up and Sunk — Alexieff Reports the Disaster to the Czar. 

ON the morning of Wednesday, April 13, 1904, the Rus- 
sian navy suffered the most signal single catastrophe 
which occurred during the early period of the war. 
Admiral Makaroff, the man to whom all Russia looked as one 
who would retrieve the first disasters and re-establish Slavonic 
supremacy on the Eastern Sea, went down to his death on his 
flagship Petropavlovsk, which struck a Japanese mine and sank 
in two minutes within full view of the Japanese fleet and the 
Russian garrisons. This appalling disaster threw the whole of 
Russia into gloom and brought out many expressions of ad- 
miration from neutrals and foes of the courageous sea-fighter 
and his sterling qualities. 

Admiral Togo who had made the harassing of Port 
Arthur the subject of his special study for the preceding two 
months, conceived the ruse of countermining the harbor and 
decoying the Russian ships over these engines of destruction. 
He divided his fleet into three divisions and steamed thirty 
miles away, leaving two divisions on the scene. During the 
night of April 12th, the mine-laying transport, Koryu Maru, 
escorted by two divisions of destroyers, entered the harbor 
mouth and let down a number of floating mines directly in the 
open channel. Though the shore batteries opened a heav}^ 
fire on her, she managed to finish her work and get away with- 
out being hit; one lucky shot might have exploded her cargo 
360 



DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 361 

and blown her to atoms. After this exploit she rejoined her 
fleet, and the Russians were ignorant of what she had done. 

Morning dawned misty, but the Russians were all alert, 
owing to the firing of the previous night. At 8 a. m. Admiral 
Makaroff , seeing only a weak squadron menacing Port Arthur, 
put to sea with the following force: The battleships Petro- 
pavlovsk, Poltava and Pobteda, and the cruisers Diana, Askold 
and Novik. These were joined outside by the cruiser Bayan, 
which had been engaged with a nuraber of Japanese destroyers 
during the night. 

The cruiser squadron, seeing that the Russian warships 
had cleared the harbor, steamed out to sea with the Russian 
ships at full steam following after them. The Russians opened 
rapid fire at long range, the Japanese replying at intervals. 
When the Japanese had drawn the Russians out some fifteen 
miles they communicated the situation to Admiral Togo by 
wireless telegraph. Immediately on receipt of the message he 
signaled to the cruisers Kasaga and Niasin to join the battle- 
ship squadron and went forward at full steam. By a piece of 
bad luck for him the wind freshened at this moment, dispelling 
the mist, and Makaroff, descrying the smoke, guessed the ruse 
and put about at full steam for Port Arthur, all the Japanese 
ships pursuing him at their utmost speed. 

The magnificent spectacle which presented itself can not 
be better told than in the words of an eye-witness who, from 
one of the promontories of Port Arthur harbor, saw, not only 
the trap laid for Makaroff, but also the desperate fight of the 
destroyers which occurred early that morning. 

At daybreak I made out through the light haze to the 
southward, about five miles from shore, six torpedoboats 
strung out in line, all firing. In the lead, and outstripping the 
others, was a boat heading at full speed directly for the en- 
trance of the harbor. The last in line was beclouded in steam 
and lagging. She had evidently been hit. It was difficult to 



363 DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 

distinguish our boats, but finally, through my glasses, I saw 
that the leader and the laggard were Russian, and that the 
four others were Japanese. 

The torpedoboat from which steam was escaping was firing 
viciously. The four centre craft drew together, concentrating 
their fire upon her, but the crippled destroyer poured out her 
fire and was successfully keeping off her assailants. The sig- 
nal station flashed the news to the men of the batteries that the 
vessel was the Strashni. 

The unequal combat was observed with breathless interest 
but the net drew close around the doomed boat. The four 
Japanese vessels formed a semi-circle and poured in a deadly 
fire. The steam from the Strashni grew denser, covering her 
like a white pall. Still she fought like a desperately wounded 
animal brought to bay. Running straight for the adversary, 
barring her way to safety, she passed the Japanese astern and 
fired at them. At this stage Vice- Admiral Makaroff , who had 
been observing the progress of the conflict through a tele- 
scope, signaled to the cruiser Bayan, lying in the inner harbor, 
to weigh anchor and go out to the rescue. 

The Japanese destroyers clung to their victim like hounds 
in a chase. They had become separated, but again resumed 
their formation. Small jets of flame and smoke were spurting 
from the light rapid-firers, varied by denser clouds, as torpe- 
does were discharged against the Strashni. 

It was the end. The stricken boat loosed a final round, 
but it was as if a volley had been fired over her own grave, for 
she disappeared beneath the waves, only a little cloud of steam 
marking the place where she went down. 

By this time the entire Russian squadron was in the outer 
harbor. Besides the Petropavlovsk, I saw the battleships Peres- 
viet, Poltava, Pobieda and Sevastopol, the cru^'sers Novik, Diana 
and Askold, and the torpedoboats. The flags announcing the 
Admiral's approbation of the Bayan were hauled down and 



DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 363 

replaced by another signal. Immediately the torpedoboats 
dashed ahead, and the heavier ships began to spread out. See- 
ing the flight of the Japanese cruisers, the Petropavlovsk 
opened fire with her great guns, but the enemy was out of 
range and soon disappeared. Our squadron continued the 
chase, finally fading from view. 

I waited anxiously for its reappearance, and in about an 
hour it came in sight. Far beyond it, the number of points 
from which smoke arose, announced the presence of the 
enemy. Nearer and nearer came the vessels, and at last I 
made out behind our squadron a fleet of fourteen, of which 
six were battleships and the remainder armored and unarmored 
cruisers. Unable to get within effective range of Vice- 
Admiral Makarofl's ships, the enemy stopped eighteen versts 
from shore. 

Our squadron, with the Petropavlovsk leading arrived at 
the entrance to the harbor and drew up in line of battle. An 
other signal was floated from the flagship and the torpedoboat 
at once proceeded through the entrance into the inner harbor. 
Vice- Admiral Makaroff was evidently unwilling to risk his vul- 
nerable craft to the heavy projectiles of the enemy's armored 
ships. I watched the Petropavlovsk closely as she steamed 
toward Electric Cliff; the frowning marine monster, whose 
guns were ever turning toward the enemy, was prepared to 
send huge messengers of death against him. 

All was quiet. It was the hush before a battle — the hush 
when every nerve is strained to get into impending danger. I 
looked for the Japanese ships, but they were without move- 
ment, save that caused by the heaving sea. 

My glance returned to our squadron. The Petropavlovsk 
Was almost without headway,when suddenly I saw her tremble. 
She seemed to rise out of the water, a tremendous explosion 
rent the air, then a second and then a third. Fragments flew 
in all directions, and wreckage and men were mixed up in a 



364 DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 

terrible mass. I was hardly able to realize the horror of it 
when the ship began to list. In a moment the sea seemed to 
open and the waters rushed over her. The Petropavlovsk had 
disappeared. 

Floating woodwork and the few men struggling m the 
water were all that was left to recall the splendid fighting ma- 
chine which a few hours before had sailed out of the harbor. 
The same shock experienced by the observers on Golden 
Hill paralyzed for a moment the men on the ships, but when 
it passed torpedoboats and small boats hastened to the rescue 
of the survivors. 

Eager to ascertain what had occurred on board the sunken 
ship, I hastened to a landing where a small remnant of the 
gallant crew were being put ashore and conveyed to a hospital. 
Signalman Pochkoff, who was slightly wouned, was able to 
give me a remarkably clear statement of the disaster. He 
said : 

" We were returning to the harbor, the Petropavlovsk lead- 
ing. Some of oui- cruisers which had remained in the harbor 
came out and steamed toward the enemy, firing sixteen shots 
at him with their bow guns. They then retired. The enemy 
numbered fourteen heavy ships, nearly all armored, while ours 
Were nine. Against their armored cruisers we had only the 
Bayan. I stood in the wheel-house on the bridge of the Pe- 
tropavlovsk looking up the signal book. The admiral's last 
signal had been for the torpedoboats to enter the harbor. 

"The Petropavlovsk slowed speed and almost stood still. 
Suddenly the ship shook violently. I heard a fearful explo- 
sion, immediately followed by another, and then another. 
They seemed to me to be directly under the bridge. I rushed 
to the door of the wheel-house, where I met an officer, proba- 
bly a helmsman. I could pass him_, and I sprang to the win- 
dow and jumped out. The ship was listing, and I feard that 
every moment she would turn over. On the bridge I saw an 



DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVWVSK 365 

officer weltering in blood — it was our Admiral — Makaroff. 
He lay face downward. I sprang to him, grasped him by the 
shoulder and attempted to raise him. 

"The ship seemed to be falling somewhere. From all 
sides flew fragments. I heard the deafening screech and the 
frightful din. The smoke rose in dense clouds and the flames 
seemed to leap toward the bridge where I was standing beside 
the Admiral. I jumped on the rail and was washed off, but 
succeeded in grabbing something. 

" On our ship was an old man with a beautiful white beard, 
who had been good to our men. He had a book in his hand 
and seemed to be writing, perhaps sketching. He was Verest- 
chagin, the painter." 

Captain Crown, who went down with the Petropavlovsk, 
joined that ship on the previous day, having succeeded in get- 
ting through from Shanghai, where he left his vessel, the gun- 
boat Mandjur. Captain Crown was a descendant of a Scotch- 
man who fought with Russia in one of her wars with Sweden. 

The text of Viceroy Alexieff's report to the Emperor con- 
cerning the Petropavlovsk disaster and the torpedoboat engag- 
ment which preceded it, reads as follows : 

"I respectfully report to your Majesty that on April nth 
the whole effective squadron at Port Arthur sailed but six 
miles to the southward to manoeuvre, and toward evening re- 
turned to port. On April 12th a flotilla of eight torpedoboat 
destroyers went out to inspect the islands, having received 
orders to attack the enemy should he be encountered in the 
course of the night. 

''Owing to the darkness and a heavy rain three of the 
destroyers became separated from the flotilla, two of which re- 
turned to Port Arthur at dawn. 

"The third, however, the Strashni, having, according to 
the evidence of her seamen, encountered several Japanese de- 
stroyers, took them, in the darkness, for Russian ships, and 



366 DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 

giving the signal of recognition, joined them at dawn. She 
was recognized by the enemy, and there was a fight at close 
quarters, in which her commander, midshipman, and engineer, 
and most of her crew were killed. Maleiff, her lieutenant, 
although wounded, continued firing on the enemy. 

" At dawn on April 13th the cruiser Bay an went out, pre- 
ceded by destroyers, and hurried to the rescue. About six- 
teen miles from Port Arthur the Bayan saw the destroyer 
Strashni engaged with four Japanese destroyers. Shortly 
afterward an explosion occurred, and the Strashni sank. Driv- 
ing off the enemy's destroyers by her fire, the Bayan ap- 
proached the scene of the fight, lowered her boats and had 
time to save the remnant of the destroyer's crew. Unfortu- 
nately, only five men were swimming. Their lives were 
saved. The cruiser was obliged to fight on her starboard side 
with six Japanese cruisers which came up. Having picked up 
her boats, the Bayan regained the harbor, suffering no damage 
or loss, although covered with fragments of shells. 

"The cruiser Diana and five destroyers hastened to her 
succor, and at the same time the other cruisers, the battleships 
Petropavlovsk and Poltava, and some destroyers came out from 
the roadstead and the other battleships left the harbor. In 
column formation, with the Bayan at the head and the destroy- 
ers on the flank, Vice- Admiral Makaroff proceeded to the scene 
of the Strashni' s fight, whither more Japanese destroyers and 
cruisers were approaching. After a short fusillade, about fifty 
cable lengths distance (10,000) yards, the ships drew off. 

"A squadron of nine Japanese battleships appeared at 
8.40 A. M., and our ships retired toward Port Arthur. In the 
roadstead they were rejoined by the battleships Pobieda, Peres- 
viet and Sevastopol, which were coming out through the chan- 
nel. The squadron was drawn up in the following order : 

" Askold, Bayan, Diana, Petropavlovsk, Peresviet, Pobieda, 
Novik, five destroyers and two torpedo cruisers. They turned 



DESTRUCTION OF THE PETROPAVLOVSK 367 

toward the left, but when approaching the mouth of the chan- 
nel the destroyers were signaled to return to the harbor and 
the cruisers to proceed. Manoeuvering, with the Petropavlovsk 
at their head, the squadron turned to the east, making toward 
the enemy on their right. 

At 9.43 A. M. an explosion occurred at the right side of 
the Petropavlovsk; then a second and more violent explosion 
under her bridge. A thick column of greenish yellow smoke 
was seen to rise from the battleship, her mast, funnel, bridge 
and turret were thrown up and the battleship heeled over on 
starboard side. Her poop arose from the water, showing her 
screw working in the air. The Petropavlovsk was surroimded 
by flames and in two minutes sank, bow first. 

"Some of her crew escaped. The cruiser Gaydamak, 
which was a cable-length away, lowered boats and succeeded 
in rescuing Grand Duke Cyril and forty-seven seamen. The 
destroyers and boats from the Poltava and Askold also picked 
up some of the Petropavlovsk' s crew. Altogether seven officers 
and seventy-three men were saved. The Poltava, which was 
following the Petropavlovsk two cable lengths astern, stopped 
her engines and remained on the scene of the disaster. 

"At a signal from Rear Admiral Uktomsky the other 
warships made for the entrance of the harbor, manoeuvering 
toward the Peresviet in line. A mine exploded under the star- 
board side of the Pobieda. She listed, but proceeded and en- 
tered the harbor with all the other ships astern of her. The 
enemy remained in sight imtil 3 o'clock, and then disappeared. " 

With this defeat the Russians were no longer to be feared 
on the sea, and the Japanese began to push the land manoeu- 
vres in the second stage of the war, which comprised the inva- 
sion of Manchuria and the siege of Port Arthur. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

Crossing the Yalu ; the First Great Land Battle 

Two Great Armies Face to Face on the Banks of the Yalu — Six Days' Heavy Fight- 
ing Results in Retreat of the Russians— The Japanese Capture Russian Artil- 
lery. 

AS was expected from the beginning of the hostihties, 
the Yalu River became the scene of the first conflict 
between the contending land forces of Russia and Japan. 
This river, as will be seen by consulting a map, is at the 
Northern boundary of Korea, separating it from Manchuria. 
The Russian army had taken possession of Manchuria, and 
Harbin was made the headquarters of the commander-in-chief 
of the Russian forces in the East, and, for many months, the 
concentrating of armies and supplies was pushed forward with 
all possible haste at this point. Its situation was well suited 
for this purpose, as from this point either Vladivostok or Port 
Arthur, each a sea-port point of great importance, could be 
easily reached. It was sufficiently removed from the fron- 
tier to insure freedom for military preparations. 

On the other hand, the Japanese had practical control of 
Korea, and it was their purpose to concentrate as large an 
army on the south bank of the Yalu as could be done, and 
from that point to push their military operations. Before the 
formal declaration of war, Korea, through Japanese influence 
largely, had undertaken the building of a railroad, and only a 
few miles had been completed from Fusan, the southern termi- 
nus, but the line had been marked out to Seoul, the Capital of 
Korea. Over this route Japan was hurrying her forces north- 
ward. Her transports had landed the various divisions of the 

.^68 



CROSSING THE YALU 369 

army at Chemulpo, a sea-port of Seoul, and at points farther 
north. The greatest difficulty was to build roads, and march 
the army northward, but during the last week in April, 1904, 
the Japanese had concentrated a large force, estimated from 
50,000 to 100,000, on the south bank of the Yalu, and began 
active preparations for crossing this river and driving the Rus- 
sians from their stronghold. 

The Yalu River is a stream of some importance, navigable 
for fift}^ miles above its mouth. It was necessary to construct 
pontoon bridges or convey the troops across in boats. Various 
attempts to do the latter were repulsed by the Russians, with 
their artillery, on the north side. The posting of a strong 
artillery force, however, on the south bank by the Japanese in 
an advantageous position enabled them to protect their men 
in building a pontoon bridge. Islands in the middle of the 
river, which facilitated the building of the bridges, were taken 
possession of by the Japanese after a severe skirmishing. 

The six days' fighting, which ended in the repulse of the 
Russians, began on Tuesday, April 26th, 1904. On this day. 
General Kuroki, who commanded the Japanese forces, began 
the movement by ordering a detachment of the Imperial 
Guards division to seize the Island of Kurito in the Yalu, 
above Wiju, and a detachmxcnt of the Second Division to 
seize the Island" of Kinteito, situated below V/iju. The 
detachmicnt of the Imperial Guards met with some resist- 
ance, but it succeeded in clearing the enemy out, and occu- 
pied Kurito Island. The Russians abandoned the Island 
of Kinteito when attacked by the detachment of the 
Second Division. Both positions were gained with trifling 
losses. 

During these movements on the islands the Russians 
opened fire on the Japanese with eight 9j^-centim,etre gun, 
from a hill behind Kur-lien-cheng and two Hotchkiss guns 
which were mounted on the bank of the river at Khussan, 

24 



370 CROSSING THE YALU 

where the Russians seemed to have estabhshed their head- 
quarters. One battery of Japanese artillery, which had taken 
a position on a hill to the east of Wiju, fired three volleys at 
Khussan, and at noon on Tuesday the Russian batteries behind 
Kur-lien-cheng shelled Wiju, wounding one Japanese with 
shrapnel. 

On Wednesday the Russians resumed the bombardment 
of Wiju, firing at intervals throughout the day. The Japanese 
artillery did not respond to this fire. General Kuroki received 
reports to the effect that the Russians were fortifying the 
heights on the right bank of the Iho River. These new 
defences extended from Kur-lien-cheng through the village of 
Makao to Koshoki, a distance of three and a quarter miles. 

The Russians resumed their bombardment on Thursday, 
but it was generally ineffective. Subsequently, General 
Kuroki ordered two companies of the Imperial Guards to 
cross the Yalu and make a reconnoisance along the left bank 
of the Iho for the purpose of discovering the character of 
the Russian fortifications along the heights on the right bank 
of the river. The Japanese force advanced toward Khussan, 
and then dispatched a small detachment to the village, where 
a party of Russians were encountered. In the engagement 
which followed five Russians were killed. The Russians 
shelled the reconnoitering party from an emplacement in the 
hills in the southeast part of Yoshoko. This fire was without 
effect. 

The Russian artillery on the hill behind Kur-lien-cheng, 
firing at a high angle, opened on Wiju, the Island of Kurito, 
and Seikodo, to the south of Wiju, where some Japanese 
batteries had taken position. This firing continued into 
Thursday night, and General Kuroki reported that while it 
was ineffective, it disturbed his preparations for an attack. 
The Russians resumed the shelling of Wiju on Friday, but , 
the Japanese did not reply. 



CROSSING THE YALU 371 

The Twelfth Division of the Japanese army "was chosen 
to make the first crossing of the Yalu. It began its prepara- 
tions on Friday by driving the Russians from their position on 
the bank of the river opposite Sulkochin, which is eight miles 
above Wiju, and the point selected for the crossing. This 
division constructed a pontoon bridge over the river, and at 
three o'clock Saturday morning it began crossing. The entire 
division passed over the river during the day, and by six 
o'clock Saturday evening it was in the position assigned to it 
for the battle of Sunday. The movement of the Twelfth Jap- 
anese Division was covered by the Second Regiment of field 
artillery and another artillery regiment of heavy guns. 

At twenty minutes to eleven o'clock Saturday morning 
the Russian artillery posted to the north and to the east of 
Kur-lien-cheng, began shelling the patrols of Japanese infantry 
which had been dispatched from Kinteito Island to Chukodai, 
another island north of Kinteito, and under Kur-lien-cheng. 
The Japanese batteries replied to this shelling and silenced 
the Russian fire. 

Later, eight Russian guns, posted on a hill to the east of 
Makao, a village, opened up on the Imperial Guards. To this 
shelling the Japanese artillery to the east of Wiju responded, 
and the Russians ceased firing. Then both the Kur-lien-cheng 
and the Makao batteries re-opened, and this fight brought a 
vigorous response from a chain of Japanese batteries on the 
Korean side of the river. The Russian guns fired for two 
hours before they were silenced. 

The Japanese losses in the bombardment of Saturday 
were two men killed and five officers and twenty-two men 
wounded. A flotilla of gunboats from the squadron of 
Admiral Hosoya participated in the fighting of Saturday. It 
encoimtered a mixed force of Russian infantry, cavalry and 
artillery on the Manchurian bank of the Yalu, below Antung, 
and after a sharp fight scattered them to the hiUs. 



372 CROSSING THE YALU 

A bridge across the main stream of the Yalu, just above 
Wiju, was completed at eight o'clock Saturday night, and the 
Second Japanese Division and the Imperial Guards immedi- 
ately began crossing. They advanced and occupied the hills 
back of Khussan, facing the Russian position on the right 
bank of the river. All through Saturday night regiment after 
regiment of Japanese soldiers poured across the bridge, and at 
a late hour Saturday night General Kuroki telegraphed to the 
General Staff of the army: 

" I will attack the enemy on May ist, at dawn." 

True to his promise, General Kuroki at daylight centred 
all his artillery on the Russian position between Kur-lien-cheng 
and Yoshoko. To that fire the Russians made reply with all 
their batteries. 

At seven o'clock in the morning the Russian battery at 
Yoshoko was silenced, and half an hour later General Kuroki 
ordered his line, stretching for four miles, to attack. The 
Japanese infantry, on the word of command, charged across 
the Iho, wading that stream breast deep, and began storming 
the height at 8.15 o'clock. At 9.30 they had swept the Rus- 
sian line back across the plateau. 

Although his troops had been fighting for days and de- 
served a short rest. General Kuroki had no difficulty in send- 
ing his men after the retreating Russians from Kur-lien-cheng 
and attacking them wherever they made a stand on their own 
chosen positions in the hills north and south of the Pekin road, 
which leads to Feng-wang-cheng. A serious engagem^ent was 
fought in the evening between 7 and 9 o'clock at Hamatan, 
where the Iho river, a branch of the Yalu, makes its first bend 
to the west. 

The Second and Twelfth Divisions and the Imperial 
Guard, forming the First Army Corps, advanced, notwith- 
standing a stout resistance on the part of the Russians, by 
three roads, driving the enemy before them, and at 7 o'clock 



CROSSING THE YALW 373 

P. M. (Sunday) occupied a line extending from Antung to Liu- 
shu-shu. The Imperial Guards surrounded their enemy on 
three sides, and after a severe fight captured twenty guns with 
their horses, carriages and ammunition, and more than twenty 
officers and men. 

The general reserve corps advanced by the Liao-yang 
road. The Russian force was composed of the whole Third 
Division and the Twenty-second and Twenty-fourth Regi- 
ments of the Sixth Infantry Division of sharpshooters and 
General Mistchenko's cavahy brigade with about forty guns 
and eight machine guns. The Russians made a most stubborn 
resistance, but were driven successively out of seven lines of 
trenches. They retired in confusion and continued the retreat 
toward Feng-wang-cheng. Large quantities of small arms and 
ammunition were captured. 

That the Japanese heavy field guns were effective a Rus- 
sian lieutenant-colonel, who was taken prisoner, testified when 
he said that the effect of the Japanese artillery fire on Satur- 
day and Sunday was enormous. The sam^e Russian prisoner 
declared that Lieutenant-General Sassulitch, Commander of 
the Second Siberian Army Corps, and Major-General Kash- 
taltnsky, Commander of the Third East Siberian Rifle Brigade, 
were wounded by shells. 

General Sassulitch was in command of the entire force in 
the Yalu region, which extended along a front of over thirty 
miles, with reserve supports fifteen miles back. His instruc- 
tions had been to harass the Japanese in crossing the Yalu, but 
not to bring on a general engagement. He was directed to 
withdraw in good order after having accomplished his purpose 
of impeding the enemy in crossing. It developed that he was 
deceived as to the strength of the Japanese, and also by their 
flanking his position. This drew him into a battle which 
proved disastrous to the Russian army. 

General Kuropatkin, the Commander-in-Chief of the 



374 CROSSING THE YALU 

Russian forces in the Far East, made the following detailed 
report of the battle on the Yalu. 

" I consider it my duty to report the circumstances of the 
grievous and yet glorious battle fought by the troops under 
my command with the superior forces of the Japanese, May i . 

" Early on the morning of April 30th, the Japanese began 
to oppress our left flank, having on the previous evening occu- 
pied the Khussan Heights after an attack in consequence of 
which I ordered the Twenty-second Regiment, which has occu- 
pied Khussan, to retire across the Ai River to our position at 
Potietinsky. 

" On the morning of the same day an extraordinarily pro- 
longed and violent bombardment of our whole position at 
Kur-lien-cheng began from Wiju. I forsaw that the Japanese 
after the bombardment, in which over 2,000 projectiles were 
discharged, would take the offensive. 

" I received orders from Lieutenant-General Sassulitch to 
accept battle and to retain my position at the forts of Potie- 
tinsky. My left flank was defended by two battalions of the 
Thirty-second Regiment and the Third Battery of the Sixth 
Brigade. 

" The Japanese took the offensive at 5 o'clock in the morn- 
ing, dispatching at least one division of infantry, which, advanc- 
ing in column, sustained enormous losses, but crossed the ford 
and attacked our position, which was exposed to the fire of 
thirty-six field guns and siege batteries. The Japanese ad- 
vanced and occupied the position. Toward noon I ascertained 
that the Japanese had routed the battalion of the Twenty- 
second Regiment posted at Chingow and were turning my left 
flank. At i o'clock in the afternoon my left flank was rein- 
forced by two battalions of the Eleventh Regiment and a bat- 
tery commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Moravsky, which were 
sent from the reserve by General Sassulitch with orders to 
hold their ground until the departure of the Ninth and Tenth 



CROSSING THE YALU 375 

Regiments from Sakhodza. I ordered the Eleventh Regiment 
to occupy a commanding position in the rear from which they 
could fire on the enemy from two sides. I held Lieutenant- 
Colonel Moravsky's battery in reserve and ordered the Twelfth 
Regim.ent, the Third Battery and the quick-firing guns to re- 
tire under cover of the Eleventh Regiment. My chief -of -staff 
led the rear guard to its position. 

"At I o'clock the Japanese approached so close to the 
position held by the Eleventh Regiment that the Third Bat- 
tery could not pass along under the cross-fire, and taking up a 
position a short distance from the Japanese, remained there 
until the end of the fight, losing its commander, Lieutenant- 
Colonel Moravsky. 

"A company with quick-firing guns was brought up from 
the rear guard. The officer commanding this force, seeing 
the difficult situation of Moravsky's battery, took up the posi- 
tion on his own initiative. He lost half of his men and all his 
horses, and attempted to remove his guns by hand to the 
shelter of the hills under the Japanese cross-fire. The quick- 
firing pieces discharged about 35,000 bullets. The Twelfth 
Regiment cut its way through and saved its colors. 

"The second Battery of the Sixth Brigade, having 
attempted to rejoin the reserves by another route, could 
not ascend the mountain slopes with only half its horses 
and, retiring to its original position, received the Japanese 
attack. 

"The Eleventh Regiment, which held its ground two 
hours more with heavy losses, forced a passage at the point of 
the bayonet, and crossed the ravines with its colors. It lost 
its Colonel-commandant, 40 officers, and about 200 non- 
commissioned officers and men. 

"The Japanese losses must have been enormous. The 
Russians retired in good order on Feng-Wang-Cheng. The 
men of the Third Division maintained their excellent morale, 



376 CROSSING THE YALU 

and over 700 wounded proceeded with their regiments to Feng 
Wang Cheng." 

The gloom which prevailed in St. Petersburg was almost 
completely dispelled when the people read the story of the 
glorious fight made by Russia's handful of rough regiments 
against the flower of the Mikado's legions at the Yalu and of 
the utter defeat — as St. Petersburg viewed it — of Vice- Admiral 
Togo's many attempts to seal Port Arthur. 

At the river crossing the Japanese dead lay piled up 
literally in heaps. General Kuroki's success was purchased at 
such a heavy cost that the Russians were disposed to regard 
it as a defeat rather than a victory for him. The Russian 
reports of the engagement showed that the Russians fought 
with such bulldog tenacity and bravery against the overwhelm- 
ing superiority of the enemy that the latter 's nominal victory 
was eclipsed by the prowess of the Czar's soldiers. 

The report of General Kuropatkin also served to restore 
General Sassulitch to public favor. For he had not followed his 
orders strictly in going into the engagement, as before stated. 
Those who were disposed to criticise him, even at the head- 
quarters of the General Staff, where it was considered that he 
made a tactical blunder, now said that he redeemed himself by 
his gallantry in action, and the damage he inflicted upon the 
enemy. 

The people, as they read the accounts of the battle, weni; 
especially impressed with the desperate bayonet charge of the 
Eleventh Regiment. The mental picture of the regiment 
advancing against the enemy with bands and bugles blaring 
and the priest with cross aloft at the head appealed to the 
dramatic sense of the Russian population as nothing else could. 
The survivors of this heroic regiment, which cut its way out 
after being attacked on three sides, declared that the position 
was surrounded by more than a thousand dead Japanese. 



CROSSING THE YALU 377 

Almost simultaneously with the invasion of Manchuria by 
General Kuroki and his army, a move of great importance was 
made by the Japanese forces in the rear of Port Arthur. 
After eight attempts to bottle up the entrance of that fortress, 
the last of which succeeded, Admiral Togo held his fleet alert 
• off the harbor's mouth to prevent a sally by the Russian ships, 
Vhile the Japanese invested the stronghold in the rear. 

This great movement in the Japanese campaign was 
inaugurated successfully on May fifth and sixth, 1904, when the 
Second Army of Japan, commanded by General Oku, 50,000 
strong, landed at three points on the Liao-tung Penin- 
sula, namely at Pitsewo, Port Adams and Kinchau, beating 
back the Russian force opposing them, occupying the line of 
the Chinese Eastern Railway, and cutting the Russian tele- 
graph wires, thus completely isolating Port Arthur. 

The Japanese transports, sixty or more in number, arrived 
off the Liao-tung Peninsula, at a point due west of the Elliott 
group of islands, at 5.30 p. m., on Thursday, the fifth, escorted 
by ten torpedoboats and four torpedoboat destroyers, and by 
two auxiliary cruisers. After a reconnoissance from Taku-shan 
south by naval detachments, the Japanese commander con- 
cluded that a comparatively small force of Russian cavalry 
and infantry guarded the east coast. 

He first bombarded the Russan batteries on the shore, 
silencing them, and then dispersed the Russian infantry and 
cavalry. Next a landing party of sailors went ashore. It 
being low tide, they plunged into the water, wading breast 
deep for nearly three-quarters of a mile, and on reaching the 
shore, at 7.30 p. m., they took up a position on a range of hills 
without firing a shot, and planted the Japanese flag. The 
landing of troops followed immediately, and was continued all 
night. The Japanese troops at once occupied the line of the 
Chinese Eastern Railway, and cut the telegraph wires to Port 
Arthur, 



CHAPTER XXXV. 

Driving the Russians Northward 

Relief of Port Arthur Defeated — Junction of the Japanese — The Great Battle ef 
Liao-Yang — Terrible Losses — Kuropatkin's Boast — Slaughter on the Shaho — 
Russian Retreat — Winter Quarters — The Malacca and Knight Commander 
Incidents — Birth of a Russian Heir. 

THERE were now two all-important things to be done 
by the Japanese. They had to defeat, and, if possi- 
ble, destroy, the main Russian army under Kuro- 
patkin, and they had to maintain the command of the sea, 
without which all their forces on the mainland would find 
themselves entrapped. To hold the sea, they must put the 
Russian ships in the Pacific out of service before they could 
be reinforced from Europe, and they must have no harbor 
of refuge open to such reinforcements if they came. That 
meant that Port Arthur, Russia's only ice-free naval base on 
the Pacific, must be taken at any cost. It was equally im. 
portant to the Russians to hold that fortress, and two weeks 
after the siege began General Stakelberg was sent down with 
an army corps in a desperate attempt at its relief. General 
Oku enveloped the Russians at Telissu, or Vafangow, about 
eighty miles north of Port Arthur, on June 15, and they 
barely escaped by a headlong flight with the loss of fourteen 
guns and 3,500 men killed, wounded, and missing. This 
ended all efforts to break the siege of Port Arthur in the cam- 
paign of 1904. The Japanese continued to pour troops into 
the Liaotung Peninsula. Part of them stayed in front of Port 

Arthur as a Third Army, under General Nogi. Oku, with 
378 



DRIVING THE RUSSIANS NORTHWARD 379 

the Second Army, passed northward on the heels of the 
Russians. The forces disembarked at Takushan, now swelled 
into a Fourth Army, headed for the north under General 
Nodzu. The objective of the First, Second, and Fourth Armies 
was the Russian point of concentration at Liao-Yang. New- 
chwang was now untenable, and the Russians abandoned the 
town, and with it their last opening to the Manchurian coast. 
The supreme command of the Japanese forces was intrusted 
to Field Marshal Marquis Oyama, who had commanded ten 
years before in the war against China. 

The armies of Kuroki and Nodzu were separated from 
the valley through which the Russian railroad ran by a range 
of mountains, pierced by occasional passes. The First Army 
had to force the formidable Motien Pass: the Fourth Army 
had to take the Pass of Fengshui. The work was intrepidly 
done in both cases. The Second Army moved north up the 
railroad. By the end of August the converging movement 
was complete, and the three armies, consisting of 240,000 
men, were in touch in sight of Liao-Yang. The First Army, 
commanded by Kuroki, on the right, the Fourth, under Oku, 
in the centre, and Nodzu with the Second on the left, form.ed 
a horseshoe, with its ends resting on the Taitse River. The 
Russian army formed an inner horseshoe in a similar position. 
Inside of that again were the square walls of the strongly 
fortified town of Liao-Yang. Kuropatkin had 200,000 to 
210,000 men. Stakelberg and Meyendorff held the right 
of his line, Mistchenko and Rennenkampf with their Cossacks 
were intrenched on the left, while the commander himself 
took charge of the centre. Since May i he had been fortifying 
the town, the hills and the plain and, with only a slightly 
inferior force, awaited the Japanese on ground of his own 
choosing. 

On August 24, General Kiu-oki attacked Anping with 
his left and centre, reserving his right flank for another move- 



38o UKIVING THE RUSSIANS NORTHWARD 

ment not then apparent. At the same time, General Nodzu 
attacked the Russian right flank, forcing it to retire from 
Anping to Liao-Yang, closely followed by his and General 
Kuroki's forces. Meanwhile, the Japanese centre, under 
General Oku, in a series of brilliant, reckless infantry charges, 
was trying to carry the Russian centre. Here it was that 
the greatest loss of life took place. For two days, Oku hurled 
his splendid infantry against the Russian breastworks, forti- 
fied with every device that time and ingenuity could provide, 
but, despite their valor the desperate resistance of the Rus- 
sians was too much for the bayonet charges of Oku's men. 
So fierce were the Japanese attacks, however, that even 
behind their breastworks, the Russians suffered even more 
severely than their assailants. Meanwhile, a tremendous 
artillery duel was in progress, the six hundred Russians guns 
replying to the seven hundred or eight hundred Japanese 
cannon incessantly for three days, ending August 29. 

After a week of fighting all along the line Kuroki found 
a secure spot ten miles up the river, and his missing right 
flank crossed it by a pontoon bridge on the last day of August. 
As soon as Kuropatkin discovered that his flank was about 
to he turned he tried to crush the detachment at one blow, 
but by desperate fighting for three days Kuroki managed to 
land the rest of his force across the river and compelled the 
Russians to retreat. This Kuropatkin effected in a masterly 
manner, accelerated by Kuroki, who attacked him again at 
the Yen-Tai coal mines, and, fortified in Mukden, the ancient 
capital of Manchuria, counted his dead and repaired his 
rianks. In twelve days of fighting the Russians had lost about 
20,000 men, killed and wounded; the Japanese nearly 18,000. 
Although to the latter belonged the victory, they had not 
succeeded in annihilating Kuropatkin, as had been their 
expectation. The strong city of Liao-Yang, however, fell 
into their hands and provided them with a vast quantity of 



DRIVING THE RUSSIANS NORTHWARD 381 

stores which the Russians, in their hasty evacuation, had 
not been able entirely to destroy. 

Kuropatkin waited a month and then issued a procla- 
mation to his army on October 2, of which the following is 
part : 

" Heretofore the enemy, in operating, has relied on his 
great forces, and, disposing his armies so as to surround us, 
has chosen, as he deemed fit, his time for attack, but now 
the moment to go to meet the enemy, for which the whole 
army has been longing, has com.e, and the time has arrived 
for us to compel the Japanese to do our will, for the forces 
of the Manchurian army are strong enough to begin a forward 
movement." 

Consistently enough the Russian advance began, several 
days later, and, finding the Japanese unprepared, drove in 
the outposts of their army, which was spread over a front of 
about fifty-two miles. Oyama quickly drew together his 
line of battle and sent a column eastward to flank the enemy 
when the general engagement was in progress. The battle 
of the Shakhe or Sha-ho was the result, named from the river 
which runs east and west across the scene of conflict. Mean- 
while, General Kuropatkin had pushed the bulk of his army 
which, it was reported, had been increased to 280,000 men, 
across the Hun River and along the main road toward the 
railway station and the Yen-Tai coal mines. Here he was 
faced by General Oku, who was guarding the railway with 
the Japanese left, and General Nodzu, who was guarding the 
mines and the m^ain road with the Japanese centre. The 
Russian general's chief effort was to break through the Japan- 
ese right flank, commanded by General Kuroki, and in the 
battle which followed, and which raged for eleven days, Gen- 
eral Kuropatkin constantly tried to pierce the Japanese lines 
by breaking through between General Kuroki r nd General 
Nodzu. On their side, the Japanese commanders pk.yed 



3^2 



DRIVING THE RUSSIANS NORTHWARD 



their favorite flanking game, the centre army bearing the 
Russian attack, while Okti, on the left, and Kuroki, on the 
right, endeavored to crumple up the Russian wings. In 
fact, General Kuroki 's forces had been lost to view for several 
days, having made such a wide d6tour to the eastward in their 
flanking movement. 

This battle, or series of battles, was distinguished by 




Cu ' '' 



MUKDEN AND THE BATTLEFIELD OF THE SHA-HO. 

heavier fighting than that at Liao-Yang, and the losses were 
appalling. Nothing equal to it had yet occurred in the war, 
in consecutive fighting, though the subsequent carnage before 
Port Arthur mounted high in the aggregate. The Russians 
lost nearly 68,000 and the Japanese about 16,000. In the 
end the Russians were driven back and went into winter 
quarters on the north bank of the Hun river, and the Japanese 



DRIVING THE RUSSIANS NORTHWARD 383 

settled down on the opposite side, nesting themselves in caves 
and dugouts, which they fortified against the cold and against 
their enemy. 

Russia had, meanwhile, managed to stir up enmity in 
Europe. Previous to the blunder of her Baltic squadron in 
firing on a British fishing fleet, which is elsewhere noted, two 
of her cruisers sailed through the Dardanelles in July and 
made a prize of the British liner Malacca. The Petersburg 
and the Smolensk were the offenders and their principal 
victim, a great Peninsular and Oriental steamer, was over- 
hauled in the Red Sea and sent north t.nder a prize crew to 
find a Russian port. The English press demanded peremp- 
tory steps and the vessel was held at Port Said until a protest 
from London to St. Petersburg set the matter right. 

Hardly was this excitement allayed, however, than the 
Vladivostok squadron, under the enterprising Jessen, seized 
and sank the British ship Knight Commander, bound for Japan 
with railroad materials. The English again raged and de- 
manded reparation, but the Russian prize court confirmed 
the judgment of Admiral Jessen in sinking the ship, because 
of his inability to bring her to port. 

These incidents did not better the foreign attitude to- 
ward Russia, and internal feeling was naturally affected by 
the reverses and blunders of the Government. The Minister 
of the Interior, Von Plehve, was assassinated, and a studeiit 
killed Bobrikoff, .the Governor of Finland. It was most 
opportune, therefore, that on August 12, an heir was born 
to the throne. Alexis Nikolai vitch, who will reign as Alexis 
JJ, reconciled the people to the "English Czarina," and 
diverted for a time to universal rejoicing the minds of a people 
whom military reverses abroad and social unrest at home had 
made dangerous almost to the point of revolution. 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

The Fall of Port Arthur 

Its Significance and Influence — The Terrible Losses on Both Sides — First Days of 
the Investment — Besieged by Sea and Land — Storming Kinchau and Nanshan 
Hir— Tightening the Lines— Wolf Hills, Last Outer Forts, Taken — Witteoft's 
Sally Defeated — Stoessel Refuses to Surrender — ^Japanese Storm 203-Metet 
Hill — Rihlung Fort Taken — Surrender. 

THE fall of Port Arthur after eleven months of the most 
ferocious siege in recorded history was accomplished 
by the Japanese army under General Nogi, on the 
evening of January ist, 1905. Tens of thousands of men were 
sacrificed by the dauntless besiegers in their irresistible block- 
ade, and a mere handful remained uninjured of the brave 
garrison which defended the supposedly impregnable fortress 
against the fury of their enemy. 

For just three months after the first blow of the war was 
struck at Port Arthur on February 8, the city maintained 
communication with the outside world by railroad and tele- 
graph, but on May 7 the Japanese cut these communications, 
completed a cordon from shore to shore on the Liaotung 
Peninsula and shut up the heroic General Stoessel and his 
devoted garrison in their stronghold. From that day until 
its fall Port Arthur was in a state of siege and the fighting 
was almost incessant. The garrison was approximately 
40,000 effectives, some troops having been smuggled in during 
the lax days of the blockade ; while the attacking force varied 
from 30,000 to 100,000. Its size was repeatedly reduced and 
increased; in various futile assaults upon the fortress it lost 
approximately 75,000 men killed and wounded, and in the 
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386 THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 

autumn months suffered a loss of 16,000 men by beri-beri, a 
scourge that at one time threatened to annihilate the besieg- 
ing army. At times General Nogi was called on to detach 
large bodies of troops to go north and join in the fighting 
against General Kuropatkin and had to wait for months for 
reinforcements to fill his depleted ranks. 

Roughly speaking, he made a general assault upon the 
fortress, designed to force its capitulation, about once a 
month. All these assaults failed, the Japanese being hurled 
back from the defenses with appalling losses, while the Rus- 
sians fought, behind their splendid fortifications, with com- 
parative immunity. After the early days of August the siege 
operations were marked by extreme ferocity displayed by 
soldiers on both sides. The Russians became convinced that 
surrender would be followed by a massacre, and the Japanese, 
after protesting in vain against violations of the Red Cross 
and white flags, resolved neither to give nor ask quarter. 
Russian outposts, surprised by Japanese scouts, fought with 
their fists until beaten to death; non-combatants sent out 
by either side to collect the dead and wounded were shot 
down without compunction; neither side dared try to succor 
the wounded, who lay under the fortifications, and thousands 
of injured men perished of exhaustion and thirst in full view 
of both armies. 

Isolated instances of heroism that would have set the 
world ringing under less overwhelming circumstances were 
dwarfed by the generally magnificent conduct of both forces. 
By sea there were torpedo boat dashes of superb recklessness, 
and big ships plowed through mine fields with heroic disre- 
gard to give battle or in wild efforts to escape. By land the 
Japanese hurled themselves against positions declared to be 
impregnable. They faced and scaled rocky heights crowned 
with batteries and crowded with defenders, suffering losses 
that would have appalled any European army. 



THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 



387 



The whole story is one of undaunted courage and sub- 
lime bravery. The losses were appalling: in some engage- 
ments leading up to the capture of 203-Metre Hill the attack- 
ing force lost as high as 40 per cent, of the force engaged, 
while the garrison's losses were frightful 

The defense of the position which fell to her as a heritage 
-after the Chinese- Japanese war cost Russia practically her 
entire fleet in those waters. Her ships lay from Port Arthur's 
inner basin to Chemulpo, in Korea, and along the Shantung 
Peninsula, battered hulks of once proud vessels, or, ignomini- 
ously dismantled, interned in neutral Chinese harbors. Save 
the three or four cruisers and some lesser craft in the ice- 
bound refuge of Vladivostok, not a war ship remained to fly 
the Russian cross in the waters of the Northern Orient. 

With the capture of the naval base the Japanese com- 
pleted the first part of their campaign, and were ready to 
push the war into Manchuria with concentrated vigor. The 
whole military situation became simplified at once: it was 
improbable that aggressive operations would be carried on 
in the extremity of a Manchurian winter, while, in the early 
spring, Nogi's army of 100,000 tested veterans, released from 
Port Arthur, could be joined to the forces of Oyama and 
Kuroki and thrown against the Russian lines in the north. 
There was, therefore, an advantage gained to the Mikado's 
men by their costly success, in addition to the intrinsic strat- 
egic value of the captured position. 

The story of the siege proper dates from May 5th and 6th, 
1904, when the Japanese landed an army at Pitsewo and 
Kinchau, at each side of the narrowest part of the Liaotung 
Peninsula, as related in a preceding chapter. The first days 
of the Japanese presence on the peninsula were devoted to 
bringing up supplies and preparing for the advance south- 
ward. The Russians, realizing the inevitability of a siege of 
the fortress, prepared to concentrate the lines of defense, and 



38S 



THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 



on May 12 blew tip and burned the magnificent piers, docks, 
warehouses, etc., at the new commercial city of Dalny, about 
thirty miles north by east of Port Arthur. The very next 
day Japanese torpedo boats entered the harbor of Dalny to 
prepare for the landing of troops there. In the necessary 




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FORTIFICATIONS OF PORT ARTHUR AND THE SIEGE LINES. 



work of removing the mines placed by the Russians one 
Japanese torpedo boat was blown up with all on board. 

The week following this operation ended with the occu- 
pation of Kinchau and the great battle of Nanshan Hill. 
These two points commanded the land approaches to Port. 
Arthur, and the Japanese, commanded by General Nogi^ 
canied them only after most desperate conflicts that raged 




EIGHT DISTINGUISHED JAPANESE OFFICERS 




THE JAPANESE INFANTRY HALTING FOR RATIONS 

4 The Japanese soldiers have hot rice in the morning. They then fill little oblonj 
reed boxes with rice, which is eaten cold during the midday halt. 



THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 389 

throughout May 25 and 26. The Japanese losses in these 
two battles, which count as one in the war's history, wer^ 
nearly 4,000, the heaviest they had sustained up to that time, 
and the valor displayed by the Japanese in assaulting the 
Russian positions has seldom been equaled. 

The winning of these places completed the preliminary 
investment of Port Arthur, as with the ships of Admiral Togo 
supreme on the seas, the Japanese were in complete command 
of every approach to the Kwangtung Peninsula, a,nd the prob- 
lem then resolved itself into one of tightening their lines until 
they should be drawn close about the fortress itself. 

This proved, however, a long, tedious and expensive 
operation, for the Kwangtung Peninsula was found to be little 
more than a mass of forts, all connected, and each one neces- 
sitating a separate assault before it could be occupied and the 
advance continued. To the performance of the work required 
General Nogi's army proved insufficient, and reinforcements 
were poured in ever-increasing numbers upon the shores of 
the Liaotung Peninsula, until more than 150,000 men had 
been sent to prosecute the great work on which Japan's most 
ambitious efforts were centered. In these plans the Japanese 
followed the general lines pursued by them in their attack 
upon the city when it was held by the Chinese in 1894. They 
advanced from the north and east, following the route of the 
railroad and the wagonway, the former running up the penin- 
sula toward Mukden, and the latter almost paralleling it, 
with a branch toward Dalny and Talienwan. 

This great general assault occurred on July 3-4, and was 
characterized by the greatest valor on each side. The Japa- 
nese, with their frenzied ardor, assaulted the Russian forts 
by day and by night, sweeping forward in the face of a hurri- 
cane of fire from cannon and small arms, all well protected 
by entrenchments. They stopped only when the Russians 
exploded mines buried in the slopes of the hills and wrought 



390 THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 

sucli havoc ws no army could endure. Both the Japanese 
and Russian losses in these engagements were heavy, but as 
the Russians fought from behind earthworks and had all the 
advantage of position, it is supposed that the Japanese casual- 
ties were far greater than tliose of the defenders. 

From the abandonment of this first attempt to carry the 
Russian outworks by storm until July 28 the fighting in front 
of Port Arthur was of a desultory character, no general en- 
gagement occurring during that period. The Japanese were 
ceaselessly active, their artillery pouring into the Russian 
lines a fire of terrible intensity. More than 300 Japanese 
cannon were engaged in this long-continued attempt to 
silence the Russian batteries, but their efforts were only partly 
successful. During the last days of the period the Japanese 
brought up their heaviest siege guns, located them in the most 
advantageous positions, tightened their lines and prepared 
for a second assault. 

The firing of heavy guns ceased neither by night nor by 
day, and the rain of shells upon the Russian defenses, and 
even in the city of Port Arthur, was incessant and most 
terrific. The flight of the shells at night could be seen by 
ships far out at sea, and passers by the peninsula reported 
that the spectacle of the night bombardments was an awe- 
inspiring one. 

On July 28 the Japanese made their second assault upon 
the Russian outer line of defenses. The artillery redoubled 
its fire to prepare the way for one final superb charge, and even 
before the Japanese infantrymen started across the numerous 
valleys of death that lay between their lines and the Russian 
forts the latter had been battered almost into helplessness by 
the wondrously accurate fire of the Japanese gunners. This 
assault was successful in the extreme, and the more important 
of the Russian outworks were possessed by the Japanese, but 
only after fearful loss of life and the wounding of thousands. 



THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 391 

Other Russian embarrassments followed. Two days 
later a Russian torpedo boat sunk the Indo-China Navigation 
Company's steamship Hipsang as it was passing Pigeon Bay. 
The ship was a neutral, and its sinking was an act of pure 
wantonness. On the same day, July 30, the Russian torpedo 
boat destroyer Lieutenant Burukoff struck a mine and went 
to the bottom. That day's greatest happening, however, 
was at Wolf Hills, a chain of low mountains to the north of 
Port Arthur, possession of which commanded all the ap- 
proaches to the inner defenses of the fortress. This advan- 
tageous position remained in possession of the Russians after 
the storming of their outer works two days before, but on 
July 30 the Japanese assaulted and captured all the Russian 
forts on this chain of mountains, and on August 5 General 
Nogi reported to Tokio that with Wolf Hills in his possession 
the Japanese investment of Port Arthur was complete. 

By August 7 the Japanese had pushed forward their lines 
until their advance rested within 2,750 yards of the Russian 
inner defenses, and on August 8 a large body of Japanese 
troops was landed in Louisa Bay, on the west coast of the 
Kwangtung Peninsula, the object being to send these troops 
against Port Arthur from the west, simultaneously with Gen- 
eral Nogi's main advance from the north and east. 

On August 10 Admiral Witteoft, who succeeded Admiral 
Makaroff in command of the Port Arthur fleet, attempted a 
sortie from the harbor with six battleships, four cruisers and 
eight torpedo boats. Admiral Togo's squadron met the Rus- 
sians outside the harbor, and an all-day fight ensued. Of 
the Russian fleet, whose commander was killed, the battle- 
ships Sevastopol, Pohieda, Peresviet, Poltava, and Retvizan, 
and the cruiser Pallada, with some of the torpedo boats 
returned to Port Arthur during the night. The battleship 
Czarevitch, in a helpless condition, reached Kiaochau, a Ger- 
man possession, and was dismantled. The cruiser Askold 




THE HUMAN LADDER 

The brave Russian Captain Lebedief , with sword and revolver, repelled three of these furious 
Japanese assault* on a fort at Port Arthur before he was swept from the wall. This wap oije 
of the last forts to be taken before the fortress surrendered, January i, 1905. 



THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 393 

and one destroyer, the former badly damaged, made their way 
to Shanghai; the cruiser Diana reached Saignen, a French 
port, south of Hong Kong; two destroyers were beached 
near Weihaiwei, and the cruiser Novik, after saihng around 
Japan, was destroyed August 20-21 at Korsakovsk, Sakhahn 
Islands, by the Japanese cruisers Chitoso and Tsushima. 
That naval disaster sealed all dreams of the relief of Port 
Arthur, for it settled forever Japan's mastery of the Pacific 
in this war. 

Five days later the Japanese made a general land and 
naval attack upon Port Arthur, the troops assaulting with 
all their frenzied vigor, while Admiral Togo's ships threw 
a rain of shells over the hills and into Port Arthur and the 
Russian defenses. This attack was not decisive, although 
the Japanese army advancing from Louisa Bay eastward 
succeeded in driving the Russians out of all their forts in the 
vicinity of Pigeon Bay. The besiegers could not, however, 
hold these positions because of their locations, which enabled 
the guns of the Russians' inner works to svv^eep their interiors. 
They were equally untenable for the Russians under the fury 
of the Japanese fire and the battling of August 1 5 rested with 
even honors on each side. 

On August 17 the Japanese commander, under a flag of 
truce, sent a note to General Stoessel, commanding the Port 
Arthur garrison, formally demanding the surrender of the 
place, and asking, in case his demand should be refused, a 
cessation of hostilities for a period of sufficient duration to 
permit the removal by Japanese transports of all the non- 
combatants from within the Russian lines. General Stoessel 's 
reply was a curt refusal, declining once and for all time the 
demand for a surrender of the garrison, and declaring that 
there was no occasion for the removal of the non-combatants. 

The surrender of the fortress having been refused, the 
Japanese, whose lines had been advanced almost to the point 



394 THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 

of touching the Russian inner defences, began a general 
assault upon these works. The Japanese artillery played 
upon the Russian forts a perfect deluge of explosive shells, 
and time and time again the Japanese assaulted, charging up 
the heights in the face of a withering fire, over exploding 
mines, and with inextinguishable enthusiasm throwing them- 
selves against the Russian works. The defenders met all of 
these attacks without flinching, and although the original 
garrison of about 40,000 men had been greatly reduced by 
death, wounds and disease, the defense was a most admirable 
one. Upon every hand the assailants were repulsed until 
August 21, when the "Chair Fort," on Etzeshan Hill, a very 
short distance to the northeast of the city, fell into their 
hands. 

Before dawn on August 24 an attempt was made to take 
several forts on Ask Ridge. Four hundred guns battered the 
ridge, and regiment after regim.ent made desperate assaults, 
only to be driven back with awful losses. When the Japanese 
had retired to their intrenchments after this carnage it was 
estimated that 10,000 men had fallen before the Russian fire 
between August 19 and August 25. The centre division lost 
6,000 men and one regiment lost 2,500. 

During the following two weeks Stoessel's forces made 
sorties hoping to retake Banjusan forts, which the enemy had 
occupied some time before but these attempts failed. Then 
the Japanese forces settled down to the systematic construc- 
tion of siege parallels, working by night while Russian search- 
lights played over the fields and Russian guns kept up a 
steady fire. 

While the siege operations were going on, General Nogi 
received heavy reinforcements and matters were sufficiently 
advanced by September 19 for a general assault early in the 
morning, the main attack being made against Rihlung Moun- 
tain, which the Japanese had twice failed to carry. These 



THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 395 

works were especially strong, and before the duter redoubt 
was won, i,ooo Japanese had fallen. On the other hand the 
Russian loss was small, and they had succeeded in saving the 
main forts. On the same evening a Japanese attack was 
made on the half-moon forts in the Shuishi Valley but it 
failed, as did two succeeding assaults. The next morning, 
however, after a most desperate hand-to-hand struggle, the 
Russians were forced to evacuate. 

Holding all the forts taken. General Nogi next devoted 
his time to placing great eleven-inch howitzers, and on October 
I, fire was directed against the Uhr Fort. An intrenched hill 
near this redoubt was taken on October i6, but when an 
assault was made against the main fort on October 26, and 
the Japanese had reached the outer trenches, miines were 
exploded, killing scores and driving back the assailants. En- 
couraged by this success the Russians made a sortie the next 
day and killed 300 Japanese. 

Again General Nogi settled down to building counter 
trenches and parallels, and on October 30 he ordered a general 
attack against the entire line of defenses. Thousands fell, 
the losses to the besiegers being heavier than in any previous 
assaults: the battle lasted until the night of October 31, and, 
while they had been repulsed at many points, the Japanese 
forces succeeded in taking two forts on Kekwan Mountain, 
penetrating the main Hne of defense and entering the wedge 
for the final capture of Port Arthur. Then came a futile but 
spectacular charge against the Sungshu forts, in which Gen- 
erals Nakamura and Saito led a picked body of expert swords- 
imen. Dashing against the parapets, they were met by volleys 
and the fire of machine guns and hurled back in confusion. 

Meanwhile operations were approaching a climax on the 
Japanese right. Several weeks before the Japanese had been 
repulsed in a desperate charge against the forts on 203-Metre 
Hill, but by sapping, the hne had been drawn close to the 







DEATH IN THE BARBED 'WIRE 

The barbed wire entanglements set by the Russians in front of their forts stirrounding 
Port Arthiir was an expedient new to warfare. They proved frightfully effective. The 
Japanese attempted to charge through these death-traps by thousands, and when 
they were hopelessly entangled the Russians cut them to shreds with volleys of shrapnel. 



THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 397 

defense works, and during the first week of December daily 
attacks were made on this important position, which com- 
manded the harbor of Port Arthur. The assaults culminated 
on December 10, when, after thousands of the brave Japanese 
soldiers had fallen, when the slopes ran red with blood, when 
ofenches filled with burning petroleum spread death, and 
dynamite bombs were hurled back and forth, the Russians 
were driven out and the Japanese flag floated on the walls. 
But the cost was mounting with frightful rapidity. It was 
said that from October i to December 10 more than 14,000 
of the Mikado's troops fell. 

In a few days great siege guns were mounted, and one by 
one the Russian warships in Port Arthur harbor were sunk. 
The Pohieda, Bayan, Retvizan, Poltava, Pallada, Peresviet 
and Giliak were plainly visible two miles away and could be 
seen crumbling to wreck as the enormous shells repeatedly 
struck them. To escape destruction the battleship Sevas- 
topol steamed to the outer harbor under the protection of a 
hill, but on the night of December 14 two flotillas of Japanese 
torpedo boats attacked the warship and sank her with the 
loss of one from their number. 

Hardly had 203-Metre Hill been taken when the aggressive 
Nogi turned his attention to the great Rihlung Fort, two 
miles from the town of Port Arthur. Elaborate trenches 
had been dug to the very base of the great stone and earth 
walls, and seven dynamite mines were made ready. Early 
in the morning of December 29 the mines were exploded, 
breaches were made in the walls, and through these the 
Mikado's troops swarmed. Five hundred Russian defenders 
made a gallant stand, but in the end they were forced to flee. 
This was the first of the main forts on the inner line to be 
taken. The Japanese troops, after months of labor and at 
an awful sacrifice in life, were now face to face with the last 
chain of forts, and Port Arthur's end was in sight. 



393 THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 

All these achievements served to cut communications 
between the Liaotie fort, destined to be "the last ditch" of 
the defenders, from a great part of the chain of forts. From 
the hour of the fall of East Kekwan events hastened to 
their culmination, for on December 31 a part of Sungshu 
Mountain fell into the hands of the besiegers, and only a few 
hours later the H fort, another strong position, was captured. 

On Sunday, January i, the Russian spirit was utterly 
broken. The Japanese storming columns at dawn completed 
the capture of Sungshti Mountain, and a few hours later all 
of the northern forts were in their possession. At five o'clock 
in the afternoon Wantai or Signal Hill wa,s captured by storm 
and the whole interior of the stronghold lay at the m.ercy of 
the besiegers' artillery. Realizing that within the next twenty- 
four hours the Japanese might swarm into the city and wreak 
their will upon the garrison, Lieutenant General Stcessel, late 
Sunday evening, sent a white flag to General Nogi offering 
to surrender the fortress. His offer was accepted on Monday, 
January 2, bringing to an end the siege which had lasted for 
ten months and twenty-four days. 

During the last weeks of the siege the condition of the 
garrison was most desperate. Several of the brigade and 
division commanders counseled surrender, especially after 
the news of the defeat of General Kuropatkin on the Shakhe 
River, but General Stoessel, who had telegraphed his family 
at the beginning of the siege: "Farewell; Port Arthur will 
be my tomb," held on with marvelous persistency and by 
personally leading countercharges against the Japanese so 
endeared himself to the troops that the soldiers warmly sup- 
ported him in his determination to hold out as long as resist- 
ance could be offered. 

Lack of food, lack of pure water, scarcity of medicines, 
the utter . absence of anaesthetics, making frightful the suf- 
ferings of the wounded, the ravages of disease, the ever- 



THE FALL OF PORT ARTHUR 399 

present fear of death, the incessant roar of the siege guns, 
all tended strongly to make the hearts of brave iren turn 
faint, but the Russian garrison did not falter; the soldiers 
fought on, day and night, with a heroism that excited the 
admiration of the whole world, and of no one more than the 
Japanese. 

Admiral Kamimura had meanwhile secured his revenge 
upon the marauding Vladivostok squadron. On August 14, 
the three great cruisers, Rossia, Rurik, and Gromohoi, at- 
tempted to dash through the Korea Strait, where he was on 
guard. Their approach was signaled by wireless telegraphy, 
and the Japanese caught them, sank the Rurik, and chased 
the Rossia and Gromohoi back to Vladivostok, which they 
reached in a disabled condition. Thus this dreaded force 
was eliminated from the estimates of Russian naval strength. 

In October, after the war had been dragging on for eight 
months, the Baltic fleet, which might have changed the bal- 
ance of power if it had started earlier, got under way for the 
East, and, in passing through the North Sea, fired on som_e 
British trawlers, a mistake which nearly caused war between 
Russia and England. Part of it, under the commander-in- 
chief, Vice-Admiral Rojestvensky, went around the Cape of 
Good Hope, and a division under Rear-Admiral Voelkersam 
through the Suez Canal. The two divisions were expected 
to unite at some point in the Indian Ocean and proceed to 
Port Arthur or Vladivostok. The destruction of the Port 
Arthur squadron, and the capture of the fortress, left them 
with no destination, and relieved Togo of the necessity of 
keeping his main force on blockading duty. The bulk of 
the Japanese fleet immediately went home to refit, and in 
anticipation Togo sent a force southward, either to intercept 
or to observe the Baltic vessels. 




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CHAPTER XXXVII. 

The Personal Point of View 

I'he Author on the Scene of Conflict— First Impressions in Japan — Close Co-opera- 
tion of the Japanese — Native Enthusiasm and Depression — Talkfe with 
Foreign Residents — Chemulpo — -Port Arthur. 

WHEN the author arrived at Nagasaki on the United 
States Army Transport Sherman, overloaded with 
soldiers and their officers returning to America from 
the Philippines, the interest of all was naturally keyed to a high 
point on this approach to the Japanese port nearest to the zone 
of actual hostilities. The transport was to lie in Nagasaki 
harbor for two days in order to coal for the long Trans-Pacific 
voyage ahead to San Francisco. Meanwhile the passengers 
hastened ashore for the double purpose of seeing Japan, and 
also in the hope of seeing some reflection of the war, which 
at this time was the uppermost subject of conversation. 

A few, including myself, who intended to make a pro- 
longed stay in the country, surrendered our baggage to casually 
selected members of the dirty crowd of coolies who swarmed 
up the sides of the transport, and then following in their 
wake were rowed ashore in queer boats called sampans. A 
perfunctory examination of our effects at the Custom House, 
the inevitable dispute with the sampan coolies over payment, 
a very short jinricksha ride, and our party was comfortably 
housed at the Nagasaki Hotel, facing the water front. The 
usual itinerary of sight seeing was duly followed, and forty- 
eight hours later, farewells having been made to those of our 
countrymen departing for San Francisco, the transport 
26 401 



402 THE PERSONAL POINT OF VIEW 

steamed down the Bay, and, as far as those remaining were 
concerned, became but a memory. 

That night while taking dinner with Captain Barker, 
the local transport United States Army Quartermaster, he 
inquired if I had noticed any evidence of warlike activity 
during the past two days. I was forced to admit that my 
curiosity in that direction had not been rewarded in the 
slightest, that in all I had not seen above a dozen Japanese 
soldiers on the streets. The Captain then informed me that 
the previous night a force of 20,000 Japanese soldiers had 
been brought into Nagasaki by train, had been carried out 
into the Bay on sampans, loaded into a Japanese transport, 
and before daylight had left for some port in Korea. The 
Captain further added that Nagasaki was one of the two most 
important points of embarkation for Japanese troops, as 
well as of all kinds of supplies, the other port being Mogi at 
the southern entrance of the Japan Sea. Thus my first 
impression of the war at fairly close hand was the marvelous 
secrecy of the Japanese. 

Some time later, while in Korea, I was passing through 
a city occupied by Japanese troops, and in the evening found 
groups of four to a dozen lounging before the open fronts of 
every residence. I stopped to converse in our limited com- 
mon vocabulary, supplemented by the universal sign language, 
and incidentally, with natural curiosity, reached for one of 
the rifles which was standing against a wall nearby. The 
rapid-fire of chaff and good-natured fun which had been 
expended between us up to this time suddenly ceased. The 
owner of the rifle snatched it from my hands, and I was 
plainly made to see that it was not to be examined. Accept- 
ing the rebuff with good nature, in another moment our 
former relations were restored, but the nature of the Japanese 
rifle, made by Japanese workmen in the Japanese city of 
Osaka, and used with such marvelous effect by Japanese 



THE PERSONAL POINT OF VIEW 403 

soldiers in this war, remained as great a mystery in its ccn- 
stniction to me as were the first firearms of the Spanish 
invaders of Mexico to the Incas, whom they subdued. 

During the weeks that followed in Japan, as I traveled 
on to Tokio and again back to Nagasaki by rail and by water, 
there were countless instances of the same unanimity of co- 
operation in the smallest details of military preparation 
between the highest authorities and the lowest in rank. The 
Japanese have developed an almost inconceivable capacity 
for the consideration of every detail, and with the result 
that reports of commanders in the field and on sea have even 
concluded with the phrase "As Pre- Arranged. " 

On my first visit to Japan, as the train sped onward to 
Tokio, we passed hundreds of troop trains on their way to 
one of the two ports of embarkation for the front. At every 
town and village, reception platforms had been erected, 
gaily decorated with flags, lanterns and streamers, and on 
each a representation of the Rising Sun, the emblem of Dai 
Nippon. Large crowds of natives greeted each troop train 
as it passed by, or halting for a few moments, furnished the 
soldiers with refreshments. School children lined up in 
semi-military formation sang patriotic songs and hymns, 
while occasionally a brass band of foreign importation, the 
members of which wore foreign uniforms, with conspicuous 
awkwardness, played "Marching Through Georgia" or "The 
Suwanee River" with a dolefulness that can only be matched 
by the early rehearsals of the village band in rural America. 
All was enthusiasm. Everybody cheered, and no one m.ore 
than the soldiers. Several months later on the occasion of 
my third visit to Japan, when I passed through the Korean 
Straits into Mogi Harbor during the raid of the Vladivostok 
squadron, I noticed a decided change in the attitude of the 
Japanese. The success of the Russians in sinking several 
transports, the accidental collision between two others, and 



404 



THE PERSONAL POINT OF VIEW 



the loss of several thousand men, following close on the ter- 
rible losses with which each Japanese victory against the 
Russians had been purchased, had all produced a decided 
effect on both the train loads of soldiers, which still passed 
with the same frequency over the railways, and on the natives 
which thronged the stations. Their enthusiasm was gone. 
The tone was that of depression. The brass bands were not 
in evidence. Even the flags and streamers looked discour- 
aged, as their rain- washed colors no longer presented the same 
brilliant appearance. Along the wharves, where a few months 
previously crowds had thronged the water's edge, now stood 
small groups of quiet natives, while the cheeks of the majority 
of the women were tear-stained. A vivid contrast, and 
equally vivid reflection, of the strain the terrible price in 
human life the Japanese nation was paying for its early vic- 
tories, was making upon her people. 

It was a source of great surprise, in conversation, to find 
that the sympathies of many of the European and American 
m.erchants in the various leading cities of Japan were more 
with the Russian cause than with Dai Nippon. The cause 
of this in some instances was due to the fact that especially 
during the summer months great numbers of Russian tourists 
visited Japan. The Russian is a good spender. He buys 
freely, and the breaking off of commercial relations between 
the two countries has caused great loss, the bulk of which 
naturally falls to the foreign merchants. Another reason 
for this strange hostility to the Japanese side is found in the 
assertion of many foreigners of long residence in Japan that 
the Japanese character since their victory over China, ten 
years previously, had steadily grown in arrogance and con- 
ceit. A further victory over the great European nation of 
Russia, I was informed repeatedly, would bring this arrogance 
and overbearing attitude on the part of the Japanese towards 
all foreigners to such a point as to be unbearable. On further 



THE PERSONAL POINT OF VIEW 405 

investigation I find that it is quite true that even England 
and America, whom the Japanese profess to have such great 
friendship for, are discriminated against by the Japanese 
authorities in the commercial field, as v/ell as in the courts 
of law, where it is commonly said: "It is impossible for a 
foreigner to get justice if his case is against a Japanese." 

My entry into the historic harbor of Chemulpo, where 
the first shot of the war was fired by one of the guns on the 
Russian gunboat Kortetz, on the afternoon of February 8, 
1904, as fully discussed elsewhere, was made on a Norwegian 
tramp steamer, the captain of which had made several suc- 
cessful blockade runs into Port Arthur with contraband of 
war. 

At Chemulpo, I met many foreigners, naval officers, as 
well as the English Consul, who, during the progress of the 
famous naval engagement in the harbor had had two men 
watching every detail of the fighting with telescopes from 
an elevation above the water. From these sources I was 
able to connect the various conflicting threads of the story 
of that fight, which in detail is given in another part of this 
volume. While still at Chem.ulpo the sky line off the harbor 
became greatly darkened by thick clouds of smoke. A launch, 
engaged for the purpose, took me out a short distance, and 
I learned that the smoke was caused by the fleet of transports 
taking the Second Army to Manchuria, there to act in co- 
operation with the First Army on the Yalu, by cutting off the 
land connections between the main forces of the Russians 
and Port Arthur. Later on, in spite of the instructions of 
the Japanese authorities, and the many floating torpedoes 
and contact mines in the Yellow Sea, I was enabled to get 
within a short distance of this famous fortress on another 
tramp steamier, on which I traveled well within sight of the 
entire Liao-Tung Peninsula, from the Port of Newchang to 
Chef 00. 



CHAPTER XXXVIIL 

The Massacre at St. Petersburg 

Constitutional Agitation in Russia — Conference of Zemstvos — Demands of the 
People — Press Censorship — Resolutions of the Lawyers — Condemned to Exile 
— Is the End of Autocracy Coming? — The Fight for Reform — Insolent Police 
Omnipotence — Good Material in the Zemstvos — Warning of the French Revo- 
lution — Nicholas Rebuffs the Zemstvos — The Strike in St. Petersburg — 
Gopon — Bloodshed before the Winter Palace — Assassination of Grand Duke 
Sergius. 

EXTRAORDINARY agitation was fermenting among the 
people of European Russia during the last part of the 
year 1904. The Liberals and the Socialists began to 
take advantage of the government's reverses in the Far East 
to press their claims for less autocratic rule at home. And 
their efforts were directed toward securing recognition for the 
Zemstvos. How rebuff after rebuff was offered the represen- 
tatives of the people until finally the popular outcry was 
hushed for a time by the slaughter of several thousand men, 
women and children is told in this chapter. 

The Zemstvos are the governing bodies of the Russian 
provinces. They are supposed to be constituted by law and 
to govern all the provinces, although in point of fact only 
thirty-four of the eighty-seven provinces have Zemstvos. 
Under the Russian form of government these bodies are per- 
haps nearer the people than any others. For weeks they had 
been in conference attempting to get Czar Nicholas to take 
some decisive action. The things they were trying to accom- 
plish were the abolition of the passport system, the free- 
dom of the press and participation in the Government through 
one or two elected bodies. The ballot was their greatest de- 
sire, for with this they would be in a position to accomplish 
other reforms. 
406 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 407 

A comprehensive view of this agitation for constitutional 
government in Russia is given in an article in the Nineteenth 
Century, for January, 1905, by Prince Peter Kropotkin, from 
whom we quote a number of the following pages: 

The greatest excitement prevailed in Russia when it 
became known that the representatives of the Zemstvos of 
thirty-four provinces of the Empire were going to meet at 
St. Petersburg in order to discuss the necessary reforms in the 
general political organization of the country. The very fact 
that such an authorisation had been granted was ec^uivalent 
to an invitation to discuss a scheme of a Constitution; and so 
it was understood everywhere. When the Zemstvo delegates 
were leaving their respective provincial towns they were sent 
off by groups of enthusiastic friends, whose parting words 
were: "Return with a Constitution!" 

Their original intention was to make of their conference 
a solemn official gathering which would speak to the Govern- 
ment in its official capactiy, but at the last moment the Minis- 
ter of the Interior refused to grant the necessary authorisation ; 
and as the Zemstvo delegates declared that they were decided 
to meet nevertheless, they were informed that they could do 
so only in private, and that their conference would be treated 
as a private gathering, but that their resolutions could be 
handed by a few delegates to the Minister of the Interior, and 
through his intermediacy to the Emperor. This is how this 
Conference, which surely will become an important historical 
date, took place on the 19th, 20th, and 21st of November at 
St. Petersburg. 

The decisions of the conference were expressed in eleven 
resolutions, which, as will be seen presently, are now becoming 
the programme of an agitation which is gradually spreading 
all over Russia. Moreover, in contrast with all the petitions 
addressed to the Tsar on previous occasions by certain Zemst- 
vos, the present memorandum is couched in far more dignified 



4o8 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

lr.nguage and in definite terms. It begins by mentioning 
"the abnormal character of State government which has de- 
veloped since the beginning of the eighties (1881), and consists 
in a complete estrangement of the Government from the peo- 
ple, and the absence of that mutual confidence which is neces- 
sary for the life of the State" (§ i). "The present relations 
between the Government and the people" — they say further 
on — "are based on a fear of the people's self- administration, 
and on the exclusion of the people from the management of 
State affairs" (§2). The result of it is that while the bureau- 
cracy separates the Supreme Power (read The Emperor) irora 
the nation, it thus creates the very conditions for an entire 
lawlessness in the administration, in which the personal will 
of every functionary takes the place of law (§ 3). This de- 
stroys confidence in the Government and hampers the devel- 
opment of the State (§§3 and 4). Consequently, the Zemst- 
vos express the following desiderata, which deserve to be 
given in full, because in such history-making documents as 
this the wording is almost as important as the general idea. 

" (5) In order to put an end to this lawlessness of the 
Administration, the inviolability of the individual and the 
private dwelling must be proclaimed and thoroughly carried 
out in life. Nobody can have any punishment or any restric- 
tion of his rights inflicted upon him without a sentence hav- 
ing been pronounced to this effect by an independent magis- 
trate. For this purpose it is moreover necessary to establish 
such a responsibility of the members of the Administration 
as would allow of their being legally prosecuted for each breach 
of the law, in order thus to secure legality in the actions of the 
functionaries. 

" (6) For the full development of the intellectual forces 
of the nation, as also the expression of the real wants of society 
and the free exercise of public opinion, freedom of conscience. 




A RUSSIAN CONVICT SETTLEMENT IN SIBERIA 

By the arbitrary government of the Czar, people accused of political and other offenses may, without 
trial, be sent to ihecold regions of Siberia, to undergo the horrors of the Siberian exile. This illus- 
fration shows the prisoners in the exercise grounds with their wretched huts in the background. 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 409 

religion, speech, and press, as also of meeting and association, 
must be guaranteed, 

" (7) The personal and political rights of all the citizens 
of the empire must, be equal. 

" (8) Self -administration being the main condition for 
the development of the political and economical life of the 
country, and the main body of the population of Russia be- 
longing to the class of the peasants, these last must be placed 
in the conditions that are necessary for the development of 
self-help and energy, and this can only be obtained by putting 
an end to the present subordinate and lawless position of the 
peasants. Therefore it is necessary: (a) to equalize the rights 
of the peasants with those of all other classes ; (b) to free them 
from the nile of the Administration in all their personal and 
social affairs ; and (c) to grant them a regular form of justice. 

" (9) The provincial and the municipal institutions which 
are the main organs of local life must be placed in such con- 
ditions as to render them capable of performing the functions 
of organs of self-administration, endowed with wide powers. 
It is necessary for this purpose: (a) that the representation 
in the Zemstvos should not be based on class principles, and 
that all forces of the population should be summ.oned, as far 
as possible, to take part in that administration; (b) that the 
Zemstvo institutions should be brought nearer to the people 
by instituting a smaller self-administrative unit; (c) that the 
circle of activity of the Zem.stvos and the m.unicipal institu- 
tions should include all the local needs ; and (d) that these insti- 
tutions should acquire the necessary stability and independ- 
ence, without which no regular development of their activity 
and their relations to the organs of the Government is possi- 
ble. Local self-governm_ent mxust be extended to all the parts 
of the Empire. 

" (10) For creating and maintaining a close intercourse 
between the government and the nation, on the basis of the 



4IO THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

just-mentioned principles, and for the regular development 
of the life of the State, it is absolutely necessary that repre- 
sentatives of the nation, constituting a specially elected body, 
should participate in the legislative power, the establishment 
of the State's budget, and the control of the administration. 
(The minority of the conference, consisting of twenty-seven 
persons, accepted this paragraph only as far as the words 
'should participate in the legislative power.') 

" (ii) In view of the gravity and the difficulties of both 
the internal and external conditions which the nation is now 
living through, this private conference expresses the hope 
that the supreme power will call together the representatives 
of the nation, in order to lead our Fatherland, with their help, 
on to a new path of national development in the sense of es- 
tablishing a closer union between the State's authority and 
the nation." 

This memorandum, signed by 102 delegates out of 104 — 
two abstaining — ^was handed to Prince Sviatopolk Mirsky, 
and through him to the Emperor. Four more resolutions 
were taken later on by the same Conference, and they offer a 
special interest, as they represent a first attempt at legislation 
upon a definite subject in the form, well known in olden times 
in this coimtry, of a Royal petition. Three of these resolu- 
tions, which concern education, blame the Government for 
its negative attitude in this matter, and ask full freedom for 
the Zemstvos to deal with it; while the fourth demands the 
abrogation of the state-of-siege law and an amnesty in the 
following terms: 

"Considering that the Law of the 26th of August 1881, 
embodying the measures for the Maintenance of Order in the 
State (state-of-siege law) is one of the chief causes which favor 
the development of lawlessness in the Administration and 
breed popular discontent, which both stand in the way of 
mutual confidence and unity between the Government and 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 411 

the population, the Conference finds that the repeal of this 
law is desirable. Besides, taking into consideration that the 
system of administratively inflicted penalties, which has been 
applied lately on a large scale in virtue of that law, has pro- 
duced a great number of victims of the arbitrary actions of 
the administration who are now suffering various penalties 
and limitations in their legal rights, the Conference considers 
it its duty to express itself in favor of a complete remission 
of all penalties inflicted by mere orders of the Administration. 
It expresses at the same time the hope that the Supreme 
Power will introduce pacification in the country by an act of 
amnesty for all persons undergoing penalties for political 
offences." 

The Press was not permitted to m.ention the Zemstvo 
Conference, or to discuss its resolutions; but the latter were 
hectographed in thousands of copies at St. Petersburg, re- 
printed in a more or less clandestine way in many cities, and 
spread broadcast all over Russia. On the other side, as soon 
as Sviatopolk Mirsky had made his declarations about the 
need of " confidence between the Government and the nation, " 
confirming his declarations by the release of a small number 
of "administrative" exiles — the Press at once adopted quite a 
new tone. The need for a new departure, under which the 
nation would be called to participate in the government of 
the country, began to be expressed in a very outspoken way. 
All the main questions concerning the revision of taxation, 
the necessity of not merely returning to the original law of 
the Zemstvos (altered in 189c), but of revising it in the sense 
of an abolition of the present division into "orders;" the ne- 
cessity of re-establishing the elected Justices of the Peace, 
and of granting a thorough self-government to all the provinces 
of the Empire; the equality of political rights of all citizens, 
and so on — these and numbers of similar questions are dis- 
cussed now with the greatest liberty in the daily Press, and 



412 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

nobody conceals any longer his disgust of the reactionary 
regime which has swayed Russia for the last thirty years. 

Of course, censorship continues to make its victims. The 
review Law (Pravo) has already received two warnings, and 
of the two new dailies, one (Son of the Fatherland), which 
came out under a new "populist" editorship, is already sup- 
pressed for three months; while the other (Our Life), which 
has Social Democratic tendencies, has its sale in the streets 
forbidden. With all that, the Press, with a striking unanimity 
support the Zemstvo resolutions, without naming them. 
Even the Novoye Vremya, which has always vacillated be- 
tween ultra- Conservative and Liberal opinions, according 
to the direction of the wind in the upper spheres, is now Con- 
stitutionalist. As to the ultra-reactionary Prince Meschersky, 
owner of the Grazhdanin, he has published some of the most 
outspoken articles against the old regime — only to turn next 
day against those who demand a Constitution. Since 1861, 
this gentleman's house has been the centre of a semi-Slavo- 
phile but chiefly landlord and bureaucracy opposition to the 
reforms of Alexander the Second. Hold was adroitly taken 
in this centre of the tv/o successive heirs to the throne, Nikolai 
Alexandrovitch and his brother, who became later on Alex- 
ander the Third, in order to secure, through them, an over- 
throw of all the reforms made by their father. Now, the 
Grazhdanin reflects the unsettled condition of mind in the 
Winter Palace spheres. The Moscoiv Gazette is thus the only 
consequent defender of the old regime. At the same timC; 
the Provincial Press acquires a new importance every day, 
especially in Southern, South- Western, and South-Eastem 
Russia. I have several of these papers before me, and can- 
not but admire the straightforward and well-informed way 
in which they discuss all political questions. They reveal 
quite a new provincial life. 

It would be impossible to render in a few words the depth 




TWO INTERESTING RUSSIAN SCENES 

One a mounted Cossack in the rural districts, and the other Russian peasants at 
a Railway Station in Manchurij. 



EJT", mwtf 




A TYPICAL SCENE IN KOREA 

The Koreans resemble the Japanese in many respects. The country is especially interesting in connection 
with the Russo-Japanese War as each nation is trying for supremacy in Korea. This picture represents a 
Korean maiden dancing the fan dance before the military officers. 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 413 

and breadth of the agitation provoked in Russia by the Zem- 
stvo Conference. To begin with, "the Resolutions ' ' were signed 
at once by numbers of persons of high standing in St. Petersburg 
society, who do not belong to the Zemstvos. The same is 
now done in the provinces, so that the memorandum of the 
Zemstvos becomes a sort of ultimatum— it cannot be called 
a petition — addressed by the educated portion of the nation 
to the Emperor. In most provincial cities the return of the 
Zemstvo delegates is being made the occasion of influential 
meetings, at which the members of the Provincial Assemblies 
(the District Assemblies will follow suit) send to St. Peters- 
burg their approval of the resolutions ; while numbers of land- 
lords and other influential persons in the provinces seize this 
opportunity for adding their signatures to those of the Zemstvo 
delegates. 

Wherever a few educated persons come together, nothing 
is spoken of but the coming Constitution. Even the appalling 
war has been relegated to the background, while the consti- 
tutional agitation takes every day some new form. In the 
universities, both professors and students join it. The former 
sign the resolutions, while the latter formulate similar i:eso- 
lutions, or organise street demonstrations to support them. 
Such demonstrations have taken place already at St. Peters- 
burg, Moscow, and Kieif, and they surely will be joined by 
working men as soon as they spread southwards. And if they 
are dispersed by force they will result in bloodshed, of which 
none can foresee the end. 

Another important current in the movement was created 
by the celebrations of the fortieth anniversary of the Judicial 
Law, which was promulgated on the 2d of December, 1864. 
Large meetings of lawyers (avocats), followed by banquets, at 
which all professions of "intellectuals" were represented, in- 
cluding members of the magistracy and, occasionally, of the 
administration, have been held at St. Petersburg, Moscow, 



414 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

Saratofif, Minsk, Tomsk, and so on; and at all these meetings 
the programme of the Zemstvos, reinforced by strong resolu- 
tions requiring the repeal of the exceptional state-of-siege 
law and condemning the whole regime under which Russia is 
now, was voted and transmitted to the Minister of the Interior. 
At Moscow the resolutions passed at the meeting of the law- 
yers were worded very strongly, as may be seen from the fol- 
lowing characteristic abstracts: 

" (i) The fundamental principles of Right, expressed in 
the Judicial Law of the 2d of December, 1864, and which 
recognize only such a form of State life, in which all the actions 
of all are submitted to law, equal for all, and applied by the 
Courts with no regard to any outside influence, are incompati- 
ble with the principles of the bureaucratic lawlessness which 
endeavors to take hold of every manifestation of life and to 
submit it to its uncontrolled power. ... (4) The princi- 
ple of religious tolerance, proclaimed in this law, was brought 
into non-existence by a series of by-laws and circulars, by 
means of which large portions of the population were placed 
into special categories, and deprived of important personal, 
family and property rights — and this, not for crimes of theirs, 
and not in virtue of legal sentences, but merely for the ex- 
pression of the dictates of their conscience, and by mere orders 
of the Administration. ... (7) The principle of an inde- 
pendent Justice, equal for all, has been reduced to nought by 
the abolition of all guarantees of independence"; and the 
declaration enumerates the main by-laws by means of which 
this purpose was achieved. 

And, finally, their last resolution expresses what every 
educated Russian is thinking, while at the same time it con- 
tains a reply to the Tsar's manifesto of April, 1903. It runs 
as follows: 

" It appears from all the life of Russia for the last forty 
years that it is absolutely hopeless to endeavor to introduce 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 415 

in our coiintry the reign of Right, so long as the arbitrary rule 
of bureaucracy continues to exist, even though all sorts of 
rights may be inscribed in our code." 

Nothing short of a thorough reform in the fundamental laws 
of the State can secure the ends of justice and law — such is 
the conclusion of the Moscow lawyers. 

Striking facts were produced at these meetings. Thus, 
the following figures just published by The Messenger of Law 
will illustrate the lawlessness which prevails under Nicholas 
the Second in all matters concerning political offences. From 
1894 till 1 90 1, not one single political affair was brought be- 
fore a court of justice or an examining magistrate. All in- 
quests were dealt with by police officers or ftmctionaries of the 
Ministry of the Interior. As to the numbers of such cases, 
they are simply extravagant. Thus in 1903 no fewer than 
1988 political cases, concerning 5590 persons, were opened, 
in addition to all those which were pending. In the same 
year, 1522 inquests, involving 6450 persons, were terminated. 
Out of this number 1583 persons were liberated, 45 were sent 
before courts-martial, and no fewer than 4867 persons were 
submitted to various penalties, including imprisonment, inflicted 
by the Administration, without the interference of any magis- 
trate. Out of these, no fewer than 1502 were sent into exile, for 
terms up to ten years, to various remote provinces of Russia 
and Siberia! Nothing on this scale was done even under 
Alexander the Third, the corresponding figure for the last 
year of his reign being only 55 (in 1894). 

The Judicial Law of 1864 contained certain guarantees 
against the arbitrary action of the police. But, as has been 
indicated during the last few days, already in 1870 and 1875 
the preliminary inquest was taken out of the hands of inde- 
pendent examining magistrates and was handed to the ordinary 
police and the State police officers. No fewer than seven 
hundred by-laws have been issued since 1864 for tearing the 



41 6 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

Judicial Law to pieces — ^limiting the rights of the courts, 
aboHshing trial by jury in numerous cases, and so on ; so that — 
to use the expression of the Saratoff lawyers' meeting — "all 
the principles of the law of Alexander the Second have been 
annihilated. This law exists only in name." 

At the same time the exceptional laws promulgated dur- 
ing the last two reigns have given to every police officer, in 
every province of the Empire, the right to arrest every Rus- 
sian subject without warrant, and to keep him imprisoned as 
a suspect for seven days — and much longer under various other 
pretexts — without incurring any responsibility. More than 
that. It was publicly vouched at one of the lawyers' meetings 
that when arrests are made en masse, simple policemen receive 
in advance printed and signed warrants of arrest and search- 
ing, on which they have only to inscribe the names of the per- 
sons whom they choose to arrest! Let me add that all these 
resolutions and comments have been printed in full, in both 
the provincial and the Moscow papers, and that the figures 
are those of official reports. 

At St. Petersburg the fortieth anniversary of the Judicial 
Law was celebrated by nearly 700 persons — ^lawyers, literary 
people, and so on — and their resolutions were equally outspoken. 

" The martyrology of the Judicial Law (they said) is a 
striking illustration of the fact that under the autocratic and 
bureaucratic regime which prevails in Russia the most ele- 
mentary conditions of a regular civil life cannot be realised, 
and partial reforms of the present structure of the State would 
not attain their aim." 

The Assembly confirmed therefore the resolutions of the 
Zemstvo representatives, only wording the chief ones still 
more definitely, in the following terms: 

"3. That all laws be made and taxes established only with 
the participation and the consent of representatives, freely 
elected by all the nation. 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 417 

"4. That the responsibihty of the Ministers before the 
Assembly of Representatives of the nation should be intro- 
duced, in order to guarantee the legality of the actions and 
the orders of the Administration." 

For this purpose, and in view of the extremely difficult 
conditions in which the country is now involved, the Assembly , 
demanded the immediate convocation of a Constituent As- 
sembly, freely elected by the people, and a complete and 
unconditional amnesty for all political and religious offences, 
as well as measures guaranteeing the freedom and the responsi- 
bility of responsible elections, and also the inviolability of the 
representatives of the people. This declaration was signed 
by 673 persons, and sent to the Minister of the Interior. 

The anniversary meetings of the Judicial Law being over, 
the agitation has already taken a new form. It is the munici- 
palities, beginning with Moscow and St. Petersburg, which 
now pass the same resolutions. They ask for the abolition 
of the exceptional laws and for the convocation of a represen- 
tative Assembly, and they insist upon holding a general con- 
ference of representatives of all the Russian cities and towns, 
which would certainly express the same desires. 

It is evident that the reactionary party is also at work, 
and a meeting of reactionists took place at the house of 
Pobiedonostseff , in order to discuss how to put a stop to the 
constitutional movem.ent. They will leave, of course, not 
a stone tmtumed to influence the Tsar in this direction, and, 
to begin with, they hit upon the idea of convoking meetings 
of the nobility in different provinces. They expected that 
such meetings would vote against a Constitution. But, be- 
ginning with Moscow, they met with a complete fiasco ; the Mos- 
cow nobility adopted the same resolutions as the Zemxstvos. 
More than that. A new movement was set on foot, in the 
old capital, in the same direction. A few days ago, at a meet- 
ing of the Moscow Agricultural Society, one of the member^ 
27 



41 8 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

proposed a resolution demanding the abolition of the except- 
ional state-of-seige law promulgated in 1881. He met with 
some opposition, but after brilliant speeches had been pro- 
nounced in support of the resolution it was voted with only 
one dissentient. 

One may expect now that many other societies, economic 
and scientific, will follow the example of the Moscow agricul- 
turists. In the meantime the public libraries, both municipal 
and supported by private contributions, have inaugurated 
a movement for demanding a release from the rigours of cen- 
sorship. There is in Russia a special censorship for the libraries, 
and even out of those books which have been published in 
Russia with the consent of the censorship many works, chiefly 
historical and political, are not permitted to be kept in the 
circulating libraries. The Smolensk public library has now 
petitioned the Minister of the Interior asking for the abolition 
of these restrictions, and this petition is sure to be followed 
by many others of a similar kind, the more so as simply pro- 
hibitive restrictions are imposed upon the village libraries, 
the public lectures, and, in fact, in the whole domain of popu- 
lar education. 

It will be noticed that in all the above resolutions the 
form to be given to the representative government has not 
yet been defined. Must Russia have two houses or one? 
Will she have seven or nine Parliaments (like Canada) and a 
Federal Senate ? What extension is to be given to the federa- 
tive principle? And so on. All these matters have not yet 
been discussed in detail. It is only known that some Zemstvo 
delegates, under the presidency of M. Shipoff, are discussing 
these vital questions. However, as the Zemstvos exist in 
thirty-four provinces only, out of fifty, of European Russia 
proper, and there are besides Finland, Poland, the Caucasus, 
Siberia, Turkestan, and the Steppe Region, no scheme of 
representative government can be worked out without the 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 419 

consent of these units. This is why the idea of a Constituent 
Assembly is gaining ground. All that can be said in the mean- 
time is, that the Jacob inist ideas of the centralisers find but 
little sympathy in Russia, and that, on the contrary, the pre- 
vailing idea is that of a federation, with full home rule for its 
component parts of which Finnish home rule may be taken 
as a practical illustration. 

Such are, then, up to the i8th of December, the main 
facts of the constitutional agitation which is going on in Rus- 
sia. And from all sides we hear the same questions : Is it 
really the end of autocracy that is coming? Is Russia going 
to pass from autocracy to representative government, without 
a revolution similar to that of 1789 to 1793 in France? Is the 
present movement deep enough to attain its goal? And, 
again, are the Tsar and his nearest advisers prepared t-o raake 
the necessary concessions, without being compelled to do so 
by popular uprisings and internal commotions? 

First of all, let it be well understood that there is nothing 
unforeseen in the demand of a Constitution, so unanimously 
expressed by the representatives of provincial self-govern- 
ment. Over and over again, for the last forty years, they have 
expressed the same desire, and it is for the third or fourth 
time that they now address similar demands to the Emperor. 
They did it in 1 880-1 881. They repeated it in 1894, as soon 
as Nicholas the Second came to the throne, and again in 1902 
in connection with the committees on the depression of agri- 
culture. At the beginning of this year, when the war broke 
out and the Zemstvos decided to send their own field-hospitals 
to the seat of war (these hospitals, by the way, are described 
as the best in Manchuria), representatives of all the Zemstvos 
demanded the permission to meet together, to agree upon 
joint action in the organization of relief for the wounded, as 
well as foi the families of the Reservists. On both occasions 
the authorization was refused and the meetings forbidden; 



420 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

but on both occasions the Zemstvo delegates held secret con- 
ferences at Moscow and discussed their affairs in spite of the 
menaces of Plehve (Shipoff went for that into exile) . And in 
both cases they concluded that the convocation of a National 
Assembly had become an imperative necessity. The present 
move is thus a further development of several former ones 
It is the expression of a long-felt need. 

The necessity of a representative government for Russia 
was spoken of immediately after the death of Nicholas the 
First, and we are informed by Prince Tatischeff {Alexander 
the Second and his Times) that as early as in 1856 Alexander 
the Second had had a plan of a Constitution worked out. 
However, precedence had to be given then to the abolition of 
serfdom and the terrible corporal punishment then in use 
(which meant a judicial reform); besides, some sort of local 
self-government had first to be created. These reforms filled 
up the years 1859- 1866. ^"^"t i^ "the meantime the Polish 
revolution broke out (in 1863), and it was then believed at the 
Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs that the uprising was 
supported by promises of intervention given to its leaders by 
the Western Powers. 

This revolution had the worst imaginable consequences 
for Russia. It closed the reform period. Reaction set in^ 
the reaction which has lasted up to the present day, and which 
has cost Russia hecatombs of her best and most devoted men 
and women. All schemes of constitutional changes were 
abandoned, and we learn from the same author that the reason 
which Alexander the Second gave for this abandonmicnt was 
his fear for the integrity of the Empire. He came to Moscow 
in 1865, and there, at his Iliynsky Palace, he received Goloh- 
vastoff — that same President of Nobility in one of the districts 
of the Moscow province who had forwarded to the Tsar an 
address, in the name of the nobility he represented, demand- 
ing a Constitution. The words which Alexander is reported 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 421 

to have said to Golohvastoff during the interview are most 
characteristic: " I give you my word," he said, "that on this 
same table I would sign any Constitution you like if I were 
sure that this would be for the good of Russia. But I know 
that if I did it to-day, to-morrow Russia would go to pieces. 
And you do not desire such an issue. Last year you your- 
selves (the Moscow nobility) told me that, and you were the 
first to say so." There is no reason to doubt the authenticity 
of these words. They are just what Alexander the Second 
would have said, and while he was uttering them he was quite 
sincere. But, as I have explained in my Memoirs, his was a 
very complicated nature, and while the menace of the West- 
em Powers, ready to favor the dismemberment of the Em- 
pire, must have strongly impressed him, the Autocrat also 
spoke in him, and still more so the man who demanded above 
all to be trusted implicitly. On this last point he was ex- 
tremely sensitive. 

Be that as it may, the idea of giving Russia a Constitution 
was temporarily abandoned ; but it cropped up again ten years 
later. The great movement "towards the people" was then 
in full swing. The prisons were overflowing with political 
prisoners, and a series of political trials, which had taken 
place with open doors, had produced a deep impression on the 
public. Thereupon Alexander the Second handed in a schem.g 
of a Constitution, to be reported upon to the Professor of Civil 
Law and the author of a book miuch spoken of on this subject — 
K. P. PobiedonostsefE ! 

What the appreciations of Pobiedonostseff were, we do 
not know; but, as he has expressed his views on representa- 
tive governrnxcnt in a number of works, we may be certain that 
his report was negative. His ideal is a Church, as strongly 
organised as the Catholic Church, permeating all the life of 
society and assuming, if need be, a fighting attitude against 
the rival Churches. Freedom and Parliamentary rule are the 



422 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

enemies of such a Church; consequently, he concludes, autoc- 
racy must be maintained ; and Russia is predestined to realise 
the happiness of the people under the rod of the Church. The 
worst was that Pobiedonostseff succeeded for years in main- 
taining a reputation for honesty, and only lately has it becom.e 
evident that, although he does not care for wealth, he cherishes 
power and is most unscrupulous as to the means by which he 
maintains his influence at Court. 

In 1876 Alexander the Second was thus besieged with 
doubts. But then came the uprising in Servia, the Tirrkish 
War, the Berlin Treaty, and once more the inner reforms were 
postponed. The Turkish War revealed, however, such depths 
of disorganisation in the State machine that, once it was over, 
the time had apparently come for making a serious move in 
the constitutional direction. Discontent was general, and 
when the trial of The Hundred and Ninety-three began at 
the end of 1878, and full reports of it were given in the papers, 
the sympathies of the educated classes went all in favor 
of the accused, and all against their accusers. The moment 
was opportune; but one of those omxnipotent functionaries 
who had been nurtured in the atmosphere of the Winter Palace, 
Trepoff, gave a different turn to affairs. 

The history of the years 1878-1881 is so fresh in the memo- 
ries of all that it need not be retold. How, immediately after 
the excitement produced at St. Petersburg by the above trial, 
Trepoff, the head of the St. Petersburg Police, ordered one of 
the "politicals" to be flogged in prison; how thereupon Vera 
Zasulitch shot at Trepoff, and wounded him; how Alexander 
the Second, inspired by the Chief of the State Police, Mezent- 
soff, revised the relatively mild sentences pronounced by the 
Court in the trial of The Himdred and Ninety-three, and 
rendered them very much heavier; how in reply to this, Mez- 
entsoff was killed in broad daylight ; and how this was the be- 
ginning of a fearful struggle between the Government and 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 423 

the revolutionists, which ended in a wholesale slaughter and 
transportation to Siberia of the best elements of a whole gen- 
eration, including children sixteen years old, and in Alexander 
the Second losing his life — all this is well known. It is also 
known that he was killed the very day that he made a timid 
and belated concession to public opinion by deciding to sub- 
mit to the State Council a scheme for the convocation of a: 
Assemblee des Notables. 

This scheme is often described as a Constitution. But 
Alexander the Second himself never attributed to it this mean- 
ing. The proposal of Loris Melikoff, which received the ap- 
proval of the Tsar on the 17th of February (March i), 1881, 
consisted in this : the Ministries were to bring together by the 
next autumn all the materials which they possessed concerning 
the reorganization of the Central Government. Then special 
Committees, composed of representatives of the different 
Ministries, as well as of persons invited by the Government 
for this purpose, would prepare schemes for reform of the 
Central Governm.ent "within the limits which would be indi- 
cated by the Emperor." These schemes, before submitting 
them to the State Council, would be discussed by a general 
Commission composed as follows: (a) Persons nominated by 
the Emperor out of members of the above Committees; (6) 
delegates from the provinces in which the Zemstvos have been 
introduced — two delegates per province, elected by the pro- 
vincial Zemstvos — as also delegates from a few important 
cities; and {c) members nominated by the Government to 
represent the provinces which had no Zemstvo institutions. 
Only the members mentioned under (a) would have the right 
of voting; the others, (6) and {c), would only express their 
opinions, but not vote. The Commission itself would have 
no legislative power; its resolutions would be submitted to 
the State Council and the Emperor in the usual way. 

This measure had to be made public, and on the ist (13th) 



424 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

of March, Alexander the Second approved the draft of a mani- 
festo which had to be issued to this effect. He only desired 
it to be read at a meeting of the Com_mittee of the Ministers 
on the following Wednesday. He was killed, as is well known, 
a few hours later, and the next Committee of Ministers, which 
took place on the 8th (20th) of March, was presided over by 
his son, Alexander the Third. The meeting fully approved 
the manifesto, which had now only to be printed. But Alex- 
ander the Third hesitated. Old Wilhelm the First had advised 
him to yield; but the reactionary party, headed by Pobied- 
onostseff and Katkoff, was very active in the opposite di- 
rection. Katkoff was called from Moscow to exert a pressure 
on the Tsar by the side of Pobiedonostseff, and Alexander 
was easily persuaded by Count Ignatieff and such a specialist 
in police matters as the Prefet of Paris. M. Andrieux, that the 
revolutionary movement could easily be crushed. Whilst 
all this was going on the Liberal Ministers, who were in favor 
of constitutional reforms, undertook nothing decisive, and 
Alexander the Third, who had already written to his brother: 
" I feel so happy: the weight is off my shoulders, I am granting 
a Constitution," yielded the other way. On the 29th of April 
(nth of May), he issued his autocratic manifesto, written by 
Pobiedonostseff , in which he declared: "Amidst our affliction 
the voice of God orders us to vigorously take the ruling power 
in our own hands, with faith in Providence and trust in the 
truth and might of the Autocratic Power which we are called 
upon to reinforce and to protect against all attacks, for the 
welfare of the nation." 

One of the first acts of this personal power was the pro- 
mulgation of that state-of-siege law which, a;s we saw, handed 
all classes of Russia to the now omnipotent police officials, 
and made of Russia one great State prison. Thus began those 
gloomy years 1 881- 1894, of which none of those who lived 
them through can think otherwise than as of a nightmare. 






E3' 



O =r^ 



6 2-^ 

== So 













THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 425 

To tell the truth, Alexander the Third was not exactly a 
despot in his heart, although he acted like one. Under the 
influence of the Slavophile, Konstantin Aksakoff, he had 
come to believe that the mission of autocracy in Russia is to 
give a certain well-being to the peasants, which could never be 
attained under a representative government. Towards the 
end of his life he even used to say that there were only two 
thorough Socialists, Henry the Fourth and himself. What 
induced him to say so I do not know. At any rate, when he 
came to the throne he adopted a programme which was ex- 
plained in a French review, in an article generally attributed 
to Turgueneff. Its main points were: a considerable reduc- 
tion of the redemption tax which the ex-serfs paid for their 
liberation; a radical change in the system of imperial taxation, 
including the abolition of the "poll-tax," and the excise on 
salt; micasures facilitating both the temporary migrations of 
the peasants and emigration to the Urals and Siberia; rural 
banks, and so on. Most of these measures were carried 
through during his reign; but in return the peasants were de- 
prived of some of the most elementary personal and civil rights 
which they had obtained under Alexander the Second. Suf- 
fice it to say that instead of the Justices of the Peace, formerly 
elected by all the population, special police officers, nominated 
by the Governors, were introduced, and they were endowed 
with the most unlimited rights over the village commtmities, 
and over every peasant individually. Flogging, as in the 
times of serfdom, was made once more an instrument of "edu- 
cating ' ' the peasants . Every rural policeman became a governor 
of his village. The majority of the schools were handed over to 
Pobiedonostseff. As to the Zem^stvos, not only were they 
gradually transformed more and more into mere boards of 
administration tmder the local Governor, but the peasants 
were deprived of the representation which they hitherto had 
in that institution. The police officers became even more 



426 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

omnipotent than ever. If a dozen schoolmasters came to- 
gether they were treated as conspirators. The reforms of 
1861-1866 were treated as the work of rank revolutionists, 
and the very name of Alexander the Second became suspect. 
Never can a foreigner realize the darkness of the cloud which 
hung over Russia during that unfortunate reign. It is only 
through the deep note of despair sounded in the novels and 
sketches of Tchekoff and several of his contemporaries — " the 
men of the eighties" — that one can get a faint idea of that 
gloom. 

However, man always hopes, and as soon as Nicholas the 
Second came to the throne new hopes were awakened. I 
have spoken of these hopes already in previous articles, and 
shown how soon they faded away. Since then Nicholas the 
Second has not shown the slightest desire to repair any one of 
the grave faults of his father, but he has added very many 
new ones. 

Ever3rwhere he and his Ministers have bred discontent — 
in Finland, in Poland, in Armenia (by plundering the Armenian 
Church), in Georgia, in the Zemstvos, among all those who are 
interested in education, among the students — in fact, every- 
where. But that is not all. There is one striking feature in 
this reign. All these last ten years there has been no lack of 
forces which endeavored to induce the ruler of Russia to 
adopt a better policy; and all through these ten years he 
himself — so weak for good — ^found the force to resist them. 
At the decisive moment he always had enough energy to turn 
the scales in favor of reaction by throwing in the weight of 
his own personal will. Every time he interfered in public 
matters — ^be it in the student affairs, in Finland, or when he 
spoke so insolently to the Zemstvo delegates on his advent to 
the throne — every time his interference was for bad. 

However, already during the great strikes of 1895, and 
still more so during the student disturbances of 1897, it had 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 427 

become apparent that the old regime could not last long. Not- 
withstanding all prosecutions, a quite new Russia had come 
into existence since 1881. In the seventies it was, only the 
youth which revolted against the old regime. In our circles 
a man of thirty was an old man. In 1897 ^^"^ of ^^1 ages, 
even men like Prince Viazemskiy, member of the Council of 
State, or the Union of Writers, and thousands of elderly men 
scattered all over the country, joined in a unanimous protest 
against the autocratic bureaucracy. 

It was then that Witte began to prepare the gradual pas- 
sage from autocracy to some sort of a constitutional regime. 
His commissions on the Impoverishment of Agriculture in 
Central Russia were evidently meant to supply that inter- 
mediate step. In every district of the thirty-four provinces 
which have the Zemstvo institutions, Committees, composed 
of the Zemstvos and of local men invited ad hoc, were asked to 
discuss the causes of this impoverishment. Most remarkable 
things were said in these Committees, by noblemen and func- 
tionaries, and especially by simple peasants— all coming to 
one conclusion: Russia cannot continue to exist under the 
police rule which was inaugurated in 1881. Political liberties 
and representative government have become a most urgent 
necessity. "We have something to say about our needs, and 
We will say it ' ' — this was what peasant and landlord alike said 
in these Commissions. The convocation of an assembly of the 
representatives of all provinces of Russia had thus become 
unavoidable. But then Nicholas the Second, under the instiga- 
tion and with the connivance of Plehve, made his little coup 
d'etat. Witte was shelved in the Council of State, and Plehve 
became an omnipotent satrap. However, it is now known 
that in 1902 Plehve had handed to Nicholas the Second a 
memoir in which he accused Witte of preparing a revolution 
movement in Russia, and already then the Tsar had decided 
in his mind to get rid of Witte and his Commissions. This 



428 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

he did, handing Russia to that man whom the worst reaction- 
ists despised, even though they called upon him to be their 
savior. 

An orgy of insolent police omnipotence now began: the 
wholesale deportation of all discontents; massacres of the 
Jews, of which the instigators, such as the Moldavian Krushc- 
van, editor of the Bessarabets, were under the personal pro- 
tection of the Minister; an orgy of wholesale bribery, general 
corruption, and intimidation. And Nicholas the Second had 
not one word to say against that m.an! Only now, when 
Plehve's successors have brought to the Tsar the copies of all 
his Majesty's correspondence with the Grand Dukes, which 
Plehve opened and had carefully copied for some unknown 
purpose — only now they go about in the Winter Palace ex- 
claiming " It is Plehve who is the cause of that agitation! It 
is he who has brought upon us all this odium ! " As if Plehve 
was not their last hope— the last card of autocracy. Truly 
has the lawyer Korobchevsky said before the Court, in defence 
of his client Sazonoff : "The bomb which killed the late Minister 
of the Interior was filled, not with dynamite, but with the 
burning tears of the mothers, sisters, wives, and daughters, 
of the men whom he sent to the gallows or to die slowly in 
prison or in Siberia!" 

But who are these new men of the Zemstvos — it will be 
asked — who come now so prominently to the front ? Are they 
capable of playing the responsible part which history seems to 
bestow upon them? 

When provincial self-government was introduced forty 
years ago there certainly was among the promoters of this 
reform some sort of idea like this : '' Let the landlords, the mer- 
chants, the peasants, famiharize themselves, through the pro- 
vincial and the district assemblies, with representative gov- 
ernment and the mangement of public affairs." This is also 
how the reform was understood on the spot, and this is why 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 429 

the Zemstvos attracted at the outset so many of the best pro- 
vincial forces. 

The mode of composition of these assembHes is origraal. 
Russia, as is known, is divided into provinces, and each prov- 
ince into ten to twelve districts. Leaving aside Poland (ten 
provinces), Finland (which is its own Parliament), Caucasia 
and Asiatic Russia (Siberia), Turkestan, the Steppe Region, 
European Russia is divided into fifty provinces, out of which 
thirty-four have now the institution of the Zemstvo. This 
means that in these provinces each district has an assembly, 
elected by all the inhabitants, for the management of quite a 
number of local matters. Each assembly nominates its own 
executive, and all the district assemblies nominate a Provincial 
Assembly, which also has its executive, and is presided over 
by the provincial President of the Nobility. The towns have 
their ov/n municipal government. The district elections, how- 
ever, are made separately by the three orders — the nobility, 
the mixed landowners (merchants and peasant proprietors), 
and the peasants belonging to the village communities. Be- 
sides, as the foundation of the electoral rights is the value of 
landed property owned by each person in the district, and the 
nobility are the chief landowners, the result is that in most 
assemblies the number of peasant representatives is inferior 
to those of the other two orders taken together. Only in cer- 
tain north-eastern provinces such as Vyatka have the peasants 
a dominating voice. This is, at least, how the Zemstvos were 
constituted till 1890, when the would-be "Peasant Tsar" 
further reduced the number of peasant delegates. 

It would seem that under such an organization the Zemst- 
vos would soon become mere administrative boards, on which 
the country squires would find a number of well-paid positions. 
So it was indeed at the outset in some central provinces, where 
the landlords of the old school had the upper hand. But on 
the other hand there were also provinces, such as Tver (an 



430 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

old nest of "Decembrists"), Voronezh, Poltava, partly Ryazan, 
and others, in which the nobility, owing to various circum- 
stances, took the lead of the reform movement. In these prov- 
inces, as also in the northern-east ones, in which the peasants 
dominate, the Zemstvos became an active force for introduc- 
ing in the villages all sorts of useful institutions on a demo- 
cratic basis. These two sorts of Zemstvos became the leaders 
of the others. This is why, notwithstanding all the obstacles 
opposed to them by the Central Government, the Zemstvos, 
as a rule, have accomplished something. They have laid the 
foundation of a rational system of popular education. They 
have placed sanitation in the villages on a sound basis, and 
worked out the system which answers best the purpose of free 
medical help for the peasants and the laboring classes. They 
elected Justices of Peace who were decidedly popular. And 
some of the Zemstvos are doing good work by spreading 
in the villages better methods of agriculture, by the supply of 
improved machinery at cost price, by spreading co-operative 
workshops and creameries, by mutual insurance, by intro- 
ducing school gardens, and so on. All this, of course, within 
the narrow limits imposed by the present economical condi- 
tions, but capable, like similar beginnings in Western Europe, 
of a considerable extension. 

Another important feature is that the Zemstvos draw 
into their service a considerable number of excellent men, 
truly devoted to the people, who in their turn exercise a de- 
cided influence upon the whole of the Zemstvo institution. 
Here is a country district in North- Western Russia. Its dis- 
trict assembly consists of twenty noblem^en elected by the 
nobility, one deputy from the clergy (nominated by the Church) 
one functionary of the Crown (who sits by right), f /e depu- 
ties elected by the second order of mixed landcwneis (mxr- 
chants, peasant proprietors, etc.), and nine" peasants from 
the third order, representing the village comjuunities. They 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 431 

decide, let us say, to open a number of village schools. But 
the salaries of the teachers are low, the schoolmasters' houses 
are poor log-huts, and the assem^bly people know that nobody 
but a "populist," who loves the people and looks upon his 
work as upon his mission, will com.e and stay. And so the 
"populist" comxs in as a teacher. But it is the same with the 
Zemstvo doctor, who is boimd to attend to a number of vil-, 
lages. He has to perform an incredible amount of work, trav- 
elling all the year round, every day, from village to village, 
over impassable roads, amidst a poverty which continually 
brings him to despair — read only Tchekoff's novels. And, 
therefore, nobody but a "populist " will stay. And it is the 
same with the midwife, the doctor's aid, the agricultural in- 
spector, the co-operator, and so on. And when several Zemst- 
vos undertook, with their limited budgets, to make house-to- 
house statistical inquests in the villages, whom could they 
find but devoted "populists" to carry on the work and build up 
that wonderful monument, the 450 volumes of the Zemstvo 
inquests? Read CErtel's admirable novel. Changing Guards, 
and you will understand the force which these teachers, doc- 
tors and statisticians represent in a province. 

The more the Zemstvos develop their activity, the more 
this "third element" grows; and now it is they — the men and 
women on the spot, who toil during the snowstorm and amidst 
a typhus stricken population — ^who speak for the people and 
make the Zemstvo speak and act for it. A new Russia has 
grown in this way. And this Russia hates autocracy, and 
makes the Zem^stvos hate it with a greater hatred than any 
which would have sprung from theories borrowed from the 
West. At every step every honest man of the Zemstvo finds 
the bureaucracy — dishonest, ignorant, and arrogant- — stand- 
ing in his way. And^if these men shout, " Down with autoc- 
racy!" it is because they know by experience that autocracy 
is incompatible with real progress. 



432 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

These are, then, the various elements which are arraigned 
in Russia against the old institutions. Will autocracy yield, 
and make substantial concessions — in time, because time plays 
an immense part under such conditions ? This we do not know. 
But that they never will be able any more to stop the move- 
ment, this is certain. It is said. that they think at the Winter 
Palace to pass a few measures in favor of the peasants, but 
to avoid making any constitutional concessions. However, 
this will not help. Any improvement in the condition of the 
peasants will be welcome. But if they think that therefore 
they will be able to limit their concessions to the invitation of 
a few representatives of the provinces to the Council of State, 
where they may take part in its deliberations, this is a gross 
mistake. Such a m^easure might have pacified the minds in 
1 88 1, if Alexander the Third had honestly fulfilled the last 
will of his father. It might have had, perhaps, some slight 
effect ten years ago, if Nicholas the Second had listened then 
to the demand of the Zemstvos. But now this will do no 
longer. The energy of the forces set in motion is too great to 
be satisfied with such a trifiing result. And if they do not 
make concessions very soon, the Court party may easily learn 
the lesson which Louis Philippe learned in the last days of 
February, 1848. In those days the situation at Paris changed 
every twenty-four hours, and therefore the concessions made 
by the Ministry always came too late. Each time they an- 
swered no longer to the new requirements. 

In all the recent discussions nothing has yet been said 
about the terrible economical conditions of the peasants and 
the working men in the factories. All the resolutions were 
limited to a demand of political rights, and thus they seem to 
imply that the leading idea of the agitation was to obtain, 
first, poHtical rights, and to leave the discussion of the economi- 
cal questions to the future representative Governm.ent. If 
this "were so, I should see in such a oaae-sideduess the weak 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 433 

point of the agitation. However, we have already in the 
resolutions of the committees on the Impoverishment of Cen- 
tral Russia a wide programme of changes, required by the 
peasants themselves and it would be of the greatest impor- 
tance to circulate this programme at once in the villages. 

Early in December it was fotmd that the Czar intended 
to do nothing for the Zemstvos, and he decreed that there 
should be no elections of a body to have a hand in the Govem- 
m.ent. He furthermore severely rebuked the president of the 
Chirnogov Zemstvos, saying: 

' I consider the request of the president of the Assembly 
of Chirnogov arrogant and tactless. It is not the business of a 
meeting of Zemstvos to occupy themselves with questions 
concerning the administration of the Empire. The sphere 
of such assemblages is clearly defined by law." 

This clear indication of his utter disregard of the Zemst- 
vos brought about the crisis of January, 1905. The Zemstvos 
were forced to give up the struggle, and many of the members 
returned to their hom^es. Although the Emperor had shown 
himself favorable to a more liberal regime, his action did not 
cause a great deal of surprise, and the plans of the heads of 
the reform movement went along toward perfection. 

An im.perial manifesto in reply to the Zem.stvo request 
for representation in. the government was made on December 
26. Several days preceding this, the Czar had returned cer- 
tain resolutions submitted to him by several Zemstvos with 
an indorsement that questions of state administration are of 
no legal concern to the Zemstvos. In his manifesto, the Em- 
peror ignored entirely the demand for a constitutional govem- 
m.ent, but announced in the most definite and authoritative 
way, that the Russian Government was to remain autocratic. 
He pledged him.self to care for the needs of the country, "dis- 
tinguishing between all that is real in the interests of the Rus- 
sian people and teadQngies not seldom mistaken and influ- 

3a 



434 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

enced by transitory circumstances." The ukase went on, in 
somewhat indefinite terms, to grant certain Hberal reforms, 
including uniform laws for the peasantry, liberty of the press 
and religion, revision of laws affecting foreigners, and thorough 
reform of the general laws of the empire, so that " its inviolable 
fulfillment for all alike shall be regarded as the first duty by 
all the authorities and in all places, subject to us; that its non- 
fulfillment shall inevitably bring with it legal responsibility 
for every arbitrary act, and that persons who have suffered 
wrong by such acts shall be enabled to secure legal redress." 
The manifesto had been received by the reactionaries as too 
liberal, and by the Liberals as imsatisfactory, because, while 
promising great reforms, the Czar, in reaffirming autocracy 
and intrusting the execution of his reforms to the council of 
ministers and the very bureaucracy which is so detested had 
practically made his own declaration a dead letter. 

Widespread discontent developed rapidly. Then fol- 
lowed a strike at St. Petersburg, and the coming to the fore 
of the Priest Gopon, as champion of the people. The strike 
spread rapidly and by Friday, January 20th, 174 plants had 
been shut down. At first the demands of the strikers were 
purely industrial: The demands made by the men at the 
great Putiloff Iron Works were as follows: 

" First — ^The dismissal of the foreman who is objected to 
by the union and the reinstatement of the men who were dis- 
missed for belonging to the union. 

" Second — Eight hours work per day. 

"Third — The valuation of work to be made by a joint 
committee of workmen and foremen. 

" Fourth— The appointment of a joint Permanent Com- 
tnittee of Arbitration. 

" Fifth — A minimum wage of 50 cents per day for wi^' 
skilled male labor. 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 435 

"Sixth — Overtime work not to be obligatory and to be 
paid for at double rate. 

" Seventh — The men not to bear the cost of condemned 
work when not responsible for it. 

"Eighth — ^A minimum wage of 35 cents per day for tin- 
skilled female labor, and the establishment of a creche for 
children. 

" Ninth — Improved medical attendance. 

"Tenth — Improved sanitary conditions in the work- 
shops, especially in the smithies. 

" Eleventh — Immtmity from punishment for strikers. 

"Tw^elfth — The average rate of pay during the strike." 

There was no violence with the spread of the strike: 
Armies of men quit work and St. Petersburg becam-e terror- 
stricken. All the demands of the strikers were refused and, 
incensed by this and carried on by the knowledge of their 
strength, they decided to appeal to the Czar, in full confidence 
that he would adjust their grievances. 

The situation was critical. An industrial strike of vast 
proportions, developing into political riots which held the 
Russian capital in a state of siege and resulted in the killing 
by the military of 2,100 and the wounding of 5,000 of the 
demonstrators who had gathered before the Winter Palace to 
present a petition to the Czar, had almost set the entire em- 
pire ablaze. Strikes are forbidden by Russian law, but, be- 
ginning with the employees of the Neva Shipbuilding Works, 
in the capital, the strike had spread so that it included all of 
the industries represented in the city, paralyzing all business, 
and even depriving the city of electric light, tinder the lead- 
ership of the courageous priest, their leader, nearly 100,000 of 
the strikers marched toward the Winter Palace on Sunday, 
January 2 2 , with a petition to the Czar (which they were not 
permitted to present) for relief from intolerable laws, couched 



436 THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

in terms of such despair as perhaps have not been used since 
the days of the French Revolution. 

Under Gopon's leadership, a petition was drawn up and 
largely signed, which, going beyond the complaints on which 
the strike originated, attacked the whole capitalistic system 
of the country, bitterly assailed the present Government as 
one of bureaucracy and dem.anded the reform of both, assert- 
ing that death was preferable to existence under such condi- 
tions. 

This was to have been presented personally to Emperor 
Nicholas. A deputation of workmen endeavored in vain to 
see his Majesty at Tsarskoe Selo and appeal to him to come 
to the Winter Palace on Sunday to be present at an immense 
demonstration of the industrial classes. It was then planned 
to have all the workmen in St. Petersburg, headed by their 
leader, the priest Gopon, in full canonical garb, march to the 
palace and assemble in the great parade ground. It was the 
intention of the strikers to disregard &^ attemipt of the au- 
thorities to suppress the meeting, thougn the workmen agreed 
to attend the meeting unarmed, saying they were unwilling 
to meet violence with violence. 

The authorities were prepared, and more than 50,000 
troops, drawn up in the streets and squares of the capital, 
received the crowds, first with a blank volley, and afterward 
with bullet, shell, and saber, killing more than 2,000 unarmied 
men, women, and children, and wounding 5,000 more. Led 
by two priests in sacred robes, bearing the cross, these peace- 
ful citizens were trampled upon and massacred by Cossacks. 
Before the slaughter, Father Gopon addressed a letter to the 
Czar, informing him of the trust of the people, and calling upon 
him to meet the petitioners, but, he concluded, " if vacillating, 
you do not appear, then the moral bands between you and the 
people who trust in you will disappear, because innocent blood 
will flow between you and yoiir people," After the massacre 



THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG ' 437 

the strikers intrenched themselves with barricades in the 
streets of VassiH Ostroff (Basil Island, north of the Neva), 
wrecking buildings, and burning telegraph poles. Armories, 
arsenals, and cartridge factories were sacked. " Down with 
Autocracy" and " Dowm with the Czar" were heard in the 
streets. The Emperor himself, after an attempt on his life 
had been made with a gun of one of the saluting batteries at 
the ceremony of "blessing the waters" (on January 19), had 
disappeared from public view, and for several days his where- 
abouts Were unknown. The revolt had not been confined to 
the capital, but had spread to Moscow, Odessa, and Sevasto- 
pol, and throughout the Caucasus. In spite of his liberal and 
reform tendencies. Prince Sviatopolk-Mirski was not looked 
upon as the strong man of the occasion, but Russian Liberals 
were turning to ex-minister of finance, Serge Witte, whom 
many regarded as a possible dictator of the empire. 

The crisis rapidly developed. On February 8, Soisalon 
Soininen, the procurator general of Finland was assassinated 
at Helingsfors, and ten days later all the world was shocked 
to hear that a new calamity had fallen on the hunted family , 
of Romanoff. 

The Grand Duke Sergius, uncle and brother-in-law of 
the Tsar, one of the chief reactionary powers in Russia, was 
blown to pieces with a bomb on February 17, 1905, as he 
was leaving the Kremilin in a carriage. 

A few minutes before the bell of the gate sounded the 
hour of three the equipage of the Grand Duke emerged from the 
gates of the palace and proceeded, followed by sleighs con- 
taining secret police. It swept at a smart pace toward the 
gate, passing the Choudoff cloister, Ivan's tower, the great 
Czar bell and long rows of cannon captured from Napoleon 
in the Winter retreat of 18 12. In a few moments the carriage 
was in front of the courts of justice, where the walls of the 
triangle form a narrow entrance to the Nicholas gate, and a 



438 • THE MASSACRE AT ST. PETERSBURG 

man clad in workman's attire, stepping forward from the side- 
walk, threw a bomb which he had concealed beneath his coat. 

A terrible explosion followed and a hail of iron pelted the 
grim stone walls of the arsenal and courts of justice. A thick 
cloud of smoke, snow and debris arose, and when it had cleared 
a ghastly sight was revealed. On the snow lay fragments of 
the body of Grand Duke Sergius, mingled with the wreck of 
the carriage ; his head had been torn from his body and reduced 
to a shapeless pulp, and the trunk and limbs were frightfully 
mangled. 

The assassin was thrown to the ground and sttinned by 
the force of the explosion, but he quickly got up and ran 
toward the gate, attempting to escape. His haste and the 
blood streaming from his face where he had been wounded 
by fragments of the bomb, attracted the attention of a ser- 
geant of police, who seized him before he could draw^ his 
revolver. 

Police officials rapidly gathered, but before an}"thing could 
be done towards collecting the scattered fragments of the body 
Grand Duchess Elizabeth drove up in an open carriage. 
She broke down entirely at the sight and dropped to 
her knees, sobbing bitterly. After a few minutes she was 
led away, and, on a stretcher, covered with a plain soldier's 
cloak, the remains of Sergius were borne to the Choudoff 
cloister, where officials and members of the Grand Duke's suite 
had assembled. 

The Tsar immediately issued a proclamation lamenting the 
murder of his uncle, but neither he, nor an}^ member of his 
immediate famil}- ventured out of the palace to attend the 
funeral of the dead nobleman. 



CHAPTER XXXIX. 

The Russian Rout at Mukden 

Kuropatkin Overwhelmed by Oyama — Kuropatkin at Bay on the Hun River — 
Arrival of Nogi and his Port Arthur Veterans — How the Lines were Drawn — 
Attack on the Russian Center — Nogi and Kuroki Bend the Flanks — Nogi's 
Dash to Mukden — Kuroki Bursts the Russian Line — Kaulbars'Gallant Stand — 
Retreat — Enveloped by Oyama's Band of Steel — The Mad Race for Tie Pass — 
Trapped by the Japanese — Unparalleled Slaughter of Men. 

WHILE the final scenes in the remorseless struggle 
around Port Arthur were drawing to a bloody close, 
an even more momentous calamity to the Russian 
arms was shaping itself before the walls of the ancient capital 
of the Manchu dynasty. 

General Kuropatkin 's enormous host, numbering more 
than a quarter million men, was attacked by the combined 
Japanese armies under Field Marshal Oyama, surrounded 
and nearly annihilated in a furious battle which lasted for 
nearly three weeks and resulted in greater loss of life than 
any conflict of recorded history. 

This continuous and cumulative action will rank among 
the great decisive battles of history. In the multitude of 
the numbers engaged, in the duration and desperation of 
I the fighting, in the appalling extent of the carnage, it finds 
no parallel in the world's annals. The Japanese fought like 
demons and the Russians made a valiant defense, btit they 
were outnumbered, outgeneraled and outfought, until they 
faced a defeat so sweeping and irretrievable that it could 
hardly fail to determine the struggle. 

After his disastrous defeat and evacuation of Liao- 

439 



440 THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 

Yang, General Kuropatkin fled, in the extremity of a Man- 
chtirian winter, to the north shore of the Shakhe River, 
which runs westward some ten miles south of Mukden 
and empties into tbs-^ Hun River. Here, his 300,000 men 
entrenched themselves, and the pursuing Japanese did the 
same upon the opposite bank. Each army sheltered itself 
in trenches and dugouts burrowed in the froze q soil and 
gradually gathered to itself reinforcements. Large num- 
bers of fresh soldiers were hurried to the Russian side by 
the Manchurian branch of the Trans-Siberian Railway in 
anticipation of the impending struggle, and General Nogi, 
with his war-worn veterans from Port Arthur, hastened 
north to swell the host of Oyama's forces. 

Finally, when the Japanese ranks numbered about 450,- 
000 men and the Russians 350,000, the great battle became 
general on February 26th, after some preliminary skirmishes. 
The Japanese seized upon that inter-season period when the 
fierce winter cold has subsided and the spring rains have not 
yet made the roads im.passable to push a general attack upon 
the Russian position, with the intention of driving the latter 
back northward from Mukden to the Tie Pass, which General 
Kuropatkin was believed to have fortified strongly. Far more 
important, and more difficult, was the Japanese attempt to 
divide and cut ofl one portion of the enemy's army — a feat 
which was nearly accomplished at Liao-Yang. The Japanese 
attack was at first strongest on the east flank of the long lines 
in which the two armies had been encamped in winter quarters 
north and south of the Shakhe, which here flows almost 
straightly from east to west. The Russians evidently believed 
that the Japanese serious intention was to outflank them at 
the east, but soon the attack pressed hard also upon the center 
and the west. Two or three minor passes fell into the hands 
of the Japanese aftei they had crossed the river, but the Rus- 
sians maintained a strong resistance at Lone Tree Hill, which 



THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 441 

/lad been heavily fortified, and there held back the enem); 
for a long time. 

Then Kuroki and Oku, on the Japanese right and left, 
began to drive in the Russian flanks, just as they had done at 
Liao-Yang, and Kuropatkin retaliated by hurling General 
Kaulbars against the Japanese center. Oyama redoubled 
his efforts at that point and pressed the Russians harder, while 
Oku and Kuroki never ceased their crumpling of the enemy's 
flanks. Night and day nearly 3,000 cannon volleyed projec- 
tiles across the death zone between the two armies, and assault- 
ing parties from each side were thrown back with terrible 
losses. Little by little, however, the Japanese gained ground. 
Fortified hills fell into their hands all along the front until, 
by March 3, the Russians were in an extremely critical situa- 
tion. Their center was holding desperately to its positions, 
and detachments of Japanese were still turning the wings 
back with undiminished fury. 

The line of battle, stretched for a hundred miles from tip 
to tip, was now the shape of a crescent moon with the horns 
pointing northward. Kuropatkin had been driven over 
the Sha river, his left, tmder Rennenkampf, and the Cossacks, 
rested on Kandolesan, east of Mukden on the road from Sin- 
sinling to Tie Pass, and his right had been bent back from 
Sinminting, northwest of the city, imtil it was facing nearly 
west. 

Two decisive movertients then occurred to precipitate 
the Russian rout. A large part of Kuroki 's force burst the 
line between Rennenkampf and Linevitch, while Nogi, with 
his veterans from Port Arthur, made two forced marches of 
forty miles a day without food or sleep, and fell on the Russian 
wing only five miles from Mukden on the northwest. 

Kuroki, while driving an army under General Kawam.ura 
clear around the end of Rennenkampf 's line, attacked vigor- 
ously also with the rest of his command and presently found a 



442 



THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 



weak spot between the two Russian generals. Two htmdred 
thousand men seized the road leading north to Fushim and 
entered the wedge which was to cut off the Russian left wing 
and speed the tide of victory. Rennenkampf took to the 
mountains contesting every inch of the ground and, trying to 




HOW MUKDEN WAS WON BY OYAMA 

At the critical moment ; the thin Japanese enveloping line and the wedge which cut apart the 

Russian armies of Linevitch and Rennenkampi. 

keep the wedge from severing him from the main body of his 
countrymen, fell back northward. 

Meanwhile Nogi's men on the northwest had fallen like 
an avalanche on the tip of Kaulbars' right wing, shouting 
in Russian, '' Out of the way for us ; we are from Port Arthur!" 
After marching for two days without sleep or food they threw 
themselves fanatically on their enemy and fought with 



THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 443 

unflagging courage, but those who were captured almost imme- 
diately dropped asleep from exhaustion. This great exploit 
of the flanking column turned the growing defeat into a dis- 
aster. Japanese shells were falling within a few miles of the 
Manchu capital and Nogi was pressing hard to cut the railway 
and Kuropatkin's retreat. Advance bodies of Japanese 
scouts were even then reported to be in the neighborhood of 
Tie Pass, forty miles north, and communicating with their 
fellows from Kuroki's army on the east. 

It was necessary for Kuropatkin to crush Nogi's force 
or be entirely surrounded and General Tserpitsky, music 
playing, temporarily repulsed the swarming enemy, but rein- 
forcements were speedily brought up by the Sinmin ting Road, 
and after that the Russians were barely able to hold their 
own. 

In the Mukden railway station there was a scene of fever- 
ish activity. Trains were moving, now north and now south, 
while the streets were filling with two-wheeled ambulance 
carts, rude Chinese vehicles, filled with wounded. On 
roofs, on heights and even from tree tops, crowds of curious 
Russians and Chinese watched the fight which continued to 
increase in intensity. The Japanese, like madmen, or as 
though crazed with some drug, threw themselves upon the 
regiment occupying a position east of the old railway em- 
bankment and drove it eastward, occupying the railway bed 
to the south, where the same mad attack was met by a stubborn 
resistance. Toward evening the fight slackened on the rail- 
road and the cannonading was stilled. Throughout the utter 
darkness of night the same regiments were engaged in a series 
of demonstrations, giving troops in the rear a chance to rest. 
At dawn on March 6 began a fight long to be remembered 
in the history of wars. It was of terrific grandeur, and might 
be compared to a vast thunderstorm of lead, shrapnel and 
bullets pelting mercilessly a strip of land twenty miles long . 



444 THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 

and seven miles broad, mowing down victims by the thousands, 
and, with the explosions of shimose shells and sc3^the-like 
work of 6-inch shells, razing whole villages. 

On tills day the Russian commander telegraphed to the 
Czar, "I must abandon Mukden," and immediately began to 
evacuate his positions south and southeast of the city, fighting 
a continuous and desperate rearguard action to cover his 
retreat. For three days the Russians filed northward toward 
the reserve fortifications at Tie Pass and on the evening of 
March 9, shortly after 9 o'clock, the order was given to 
complete the evacuation of the station and city, with direc- 
tions that the movements of trains northward must be finished, 
by 5 o'clock in the morning. The enormous task was com- 
pleted in nine hours, including the hasty embarkation of the 
wotmded, who crowded the station platform and occupied the 
hospitals, and, on the morning of March 10, Mukden lay 
defenceless before the Japanese. 

Within an hour after the last Russian train had left the 
station, Oyama's men entered the city and Kuropatkin tele- 
graphed to the Czar, "I am surrounded." Under cover of a 
terrific dust-storm the preceding day, a body of Japanese took 
strategic positions farther north along the Liao River and 
came in touch with their comrades who were operating on the 
eastern side of the Russian line of retreat. The cordon of 
steel and men was drawn completely around the retiring host, 
shells were falling on each train load of men and supplies 
that passed along the railroad ; but Kuropatkin fought des- 
perately to save him.self from a second Sedan and finally suc- 
ceeded in bringing to Tie Pass a disorganized remnant of his 
once magnificent army. 

To enumerate the myriads of men who fell in the frightful 
carnage before Mukden conveys an idea of the magnitude of 
the battle. More than 100,000 Russians fell on the field and 
75,000 were made prisoners. About 600 heavy cannon feU 




THE RETREAT FROM MUKDEN. 

All of the Russian armies fled precipitately, harassed by Japanese on three sides, for the 

ivH. forty miles between Mukden and Tie Pass. Two days later they were driven 

from this last stronghold. 44c 



446 THE RUSSIAN ROUT AT MUKDEN 

into the victor's hands, with a quarter milHon shells, 25,000,- 
000 rotinds of small ammunition, 75,000 bushels of cereak, 
and 275,000 of fodder, 65,000 rifles, 1,000,000 rations of bread 
and 70,000 tons of fuel. In addition to this the retreating 
Russians burned vast quantities of stores and exploded a num- 
ber of magazines. About 50,000 Japanese were slain in the 
conflict, which, with their number captured, brought the total 
combined losses to more than 200,000. 

The battle of Mukden makes all other great fights of 
modem times fade into insignificance. In the hosts of men 
engaged, in the number of killed and wounded, and in the 
length of time it was fought with ceaseless fury Mukden is 
the greatest of recorded history. 

At Gettysburg, the combined forces were about 170,000, 
and the loss in killed and wounded during the three days of 
fighting totaled nearly 55,000 men. Of the 160,000 m,en 
engaged at Antietam, 38,000 were killed and wounded in two 
days. When Napoleon met his fate at Waterloo with 72,000 
men, the allies, with 107,000, wiped out nearly half his army 
and the combined casualities mounted to 57,000. 

Of all great battles Sedan most nearly resembles in tactics 
the fight at Mukden. The fate of France in the Franco- 
Prussian War was decided in four days beginning with Sep- 
tember I, 1870. The combined forces, 390,000, were scarcely 
as great as either one of the two armies which contested the 
field in Manchuria, while the killed and wounded were only 
about 26,000. Only 1,000 guns were firing at Sedan or one- 
third the number used by Kuropatkin and Oyama together. 

After the fate of his army was decided Kuropatkin 
resigned his command, pleading shattered health, and General 
Linevitch was appointed to the supreme direction of the 
Czar's armies in Manchuria. 



CHAPTER Xh. 

Annihilation of the Baltic Fleet 

Rojestvensky's Eight-Months' Voyage to the East — French Neutrality — Togo's 
Arabuscade — ^The Japanese Attack Suddenly — Experiences of a Japanese 
Officer — Russians Bombarded, Torpedoed, Sunk — Havoc on the Borodino— 
NebogatoS Surrenders — ^Total Destruction of the Fleet — List of Vessels Lost 
— The Japanese Resume Their Land Campaign. 

IN the greatest sea-fight of all history practically the entire 
Russian navy in Asiatic waters was annihilated by Togo 

and the Japanese in the three days following May 27, 1905. 
The ill-fated Baltic fleet iinder Rojestvensky which had set 
out from St. Petersburg eight months previously, after its 
embarrassing affair with the English North Sea fishing fleet 
and its hazardous voyage around the Cape of Good Hope, went 
utterly to pieces at the first clash with its enemy, lost its com- 
manders and best ships, and left the Japanese to continue their 
suspended land campaign at leisure. 

In watching the slow progress of the Russian fleet toward 
East Asian waters many observers had concluded that the real 
object of Rojestvensky was not to seek battle with the Japa- 
nese, but to make a show of strength which would moral! y sup- 
port Russia's demands in the inevitable negotiations for peace. 
He was abundantly supplied with men and coal, however, and 
on his long voyage had ample time to bring his discipline 
and efficiency to the highest point. Under his supreme com- 
mand were the divisions of Admirals Enquist, Nebogatoff and 
Voelkersam, comprising, in all, eight battleships, three arm- 
ored cruisers, six protected cruisers and a number of coast- 
defense vessels, torpedo boats, destroyers, colliers and trans- 
ports. 

44y 



448 ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 

Togo's fleet was not so strong on paper, though in weight 
of guns it was a match for the Russians. Five battleships, 
eight armored and thirteen protected cruisers, besides a large 
number of destroyers and torpedo boats, made up his fighting 
force. It was unhampered by slow-moving colliers, being near 
to its bases of supplies, and had greatly the advantage of its 
foes in mobility and speed. The gunnery of these two enemies 
had never been contrasted, and until the eventful meeting in 
Korean waters few were confident in foretelling the outcome 
of a battle. 

Rojestvensky passed Singapore, at the end of Malaysia, 
during the early days of April, and called forth a storm of 
protests from Japan by stopping at the French port, Kamranh 
Bay, far longer than the customs of neutrality allow. Finally 
the Russians got imder way and put to sea. The world sup- 
posed Togo to be watching their progress and heard little but 
rumor until the mighty conflict of May 27. It developed that 
Rojestvensky, after feinting to sail around the islands of Japan, 
made a dash for the Straits of Korea, which, at this point, are 
narrow and studded with numerous islands, and which offered 
the shortest possible passage to Vladivostock. Lying in am- 
bush behind the islands on the Korean side, Togo and his 
entire fleet waited for the Russians to approach the trap. His 
position was ideal. Wind and sun were at his back and his 
ships, being nearer land under a lee, were more steady than 
those of their enemy. 

The following story of the battle was told by an officer 
of one of the Japanese ships : 

"At 5.30 Saturday morning a wireless message reading 
'The enemy's squadron is in sight,' reached the naval base. 
This message was transmitted to all our ships by the flagship, 
with instructions to get ready for action, whereupon our 
squadron left their rendezvous and headed for the eastern 
channel off Tsushima. Our men seemed to be filled with 



ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 449 

new inspiration and were eager for the long-delayed fight to 
begin. 

'' When Tsushima was sighted to the southwest, the sea 
was rough and the torpedo boats were forced to run for the 
shelter of the island. Our third fighting squadron, with the 
Takachiho to port, reconnoitered the Russian course, and at 
11.30 A. M. informed the main squadron by wireless telegraph 
that the Russian ships were passing into the east channel, 
whereupon our main squadron, changing its course somewhat 
to the southward, came in sight of Okinshima (Ikinoshima) at 
I o 'clock in the afternoon. The third division arrived later and 
joined the miain squadron. The first and second divisions, 
accompanied by the destroyer flotilla, changed to a westerly 
course, while the third division and the fourth destroyer 
flotilla headed slightly eastward. During the manoeuver the 
Russian flagship appeared to the southward at 1.45 o'clock. 
The Russians steamed up in double column. The fleet was 
numerous, but no living being was visible. The Russian ships 
seemed to be in good order. 

'' Our ships hoisted the flag of action, the Mikasa signal- 
ing, ' The defense of our Empire depends upon this action. You 
are expected to do your utmost. ' Our men seemed silently to 
weigh the significance of this signal. Our first and second divi- 
sions turned to the Russians' starboard, while the third division 
kept in close touch with the preceding two divisions. With the 
Japanese ships proceeding in this order, it was 2.13 o'clock 
when the Russians opened fire. The first two shots fell short 
of our line and it was some minutes later before we commenced 
firing. Then the battle was on with firing from both sides. 
Our destroyers kept on the port side of the main squadron, and 
in this formation we pressed the Russians against the coast of 
Kiushiu (the southernmost of the three main islands of Japan), 
and they were obliged to change their course to the east. We 
so manoeuvered our ships as to have their bows parallel to the 
29 



450 ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 

north side of the Russian line. The Mikasa, of our first divi- 
sion, which had been leading, changed to the rear of the line, 
while the Kasuga headed the line. 

" The engagement now became very fierce. The Borodino 
was seen to be on fire. A little later the Russians headed west 
and we changed our course accordingly. Five ships of our 
second division concentrated their fire on the Borodino. 

" Our first division now began firing vigorously, proceed- 
ing parallel with the Russian line, and as we began to press 
against the head of the Russian line our third division veered 
to the Russian rear, thus enveloping their ships. The engage- 
ment proceeded hotly. Our second division followed a course 
parallel with the northern side of the Russians and this move- 
ment completed the envelopment. The Russian ships were 
seen trying to break through and our destroyer flotilla inter- 
cepted their new course. This state of envelopment continued 
until the following day, with the ships at varying distances. 
Thus enclosed on all sides, the Russians were helpless and pow- 
erless to escape the circle. 

" Previous instructions had been given the destroyers and 
torpedo boats to attack the Russian ships. Accordingly the 
fifth destroyer flotilla advanced against a Russian ship, upon 
which the second division had been concentrating its fire, sig- 
naling: 'We are going to give the last thrust at them.' 
The Russian ship continued to fight, and seeing the approach- 
ing torpedo boats, directed its fire on them. Undaunted, our 
destroyers pressed forward, the Chitose meantime continuing 
its fire. The torpedo flotilla arrived within 200 yards of the 
Russian ship, and the Shiranus fired the first shot. Two other 
torpedo boats fired one each. The Shiranus received two 
shells, but the other boats were not damaged. The Russian 
ship went down. 

"S-undown saw the battle still raging furiously. Our 
shells were evidently telling on the Russians, who showed signs 



ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 




HOW THE GREAT BATTLE OF KOREA STRAIT WAS FOUGHT. 
(Japanese ships in outline — Russian ships in black.) 

Togo, early in the morning of Saturday, May 27, with his fleet with steam up was off Masanpo, 
Korea, when he was informed by wireless telegraphy from one of his scouting vessels that the Russian 
fleet in two columns was steaming northeast off Quelpart Island. Sending his lighter cruisers north- 
ward, with his heavy fighting ships and swarm of torpedo boats and destroyers Togo sailed around the 
head of Tsushima (Tsu Islands) and heading southeast struck the Russian fleet near the Ikino Island. 
Rojestvensky evidently anticipating Togo's attack from the direction of the Japanese coast, had his 
heavy battleships in the column nearest that coast as follows. Jemtchug (cruiser), scouting in the lead 
then the Borodino, Orel, Kniaz SouvarofF (flagship), Alexander III, Oslyabia, Sissoi Veliky, Navarin, 
Nicolai I. In the other column were the armored cruiser Admiral Nakhimoff, the coast defense iron- 
clads. Admiral Oushakoff, Admiral Seniavin, Admiral Apraxin, the cruisers Dimitri Donskoi, Svietlana, 
Oleg, Aurora, Almaz, Izumrud and Vladimir Monomach. Togo coming from the northwest, engaged 
the column of cruisers and coast defense ships first ; the Russian battleships being too far to the east- 
ward to join in the battle for some time without firing upon their own ships in the other column. 

It was here that the Borodino, Alexander III and three cruisers were sunk. The Russian fleet 
fighting northward had a running battle with the Japanese fleet until evening, when Togo sent his tor- 
pedo boats and destroyers at them. Under this attack the Russian fleet scattered, and several of the 
big ships went down, including the SouvarofI, the Navarin, the Sissoi Veliky and the Oslyabia. The 
others steamed northward and on the next day, May 28, in the vicinity of the Liancourt Rocks, the 
Japanese, after sinking the Admiral Oushakoff, captured the battleships Orel and Nicolai I and the 
coast-defense ships Admiral Apraxin and Admiral Seniavin. 



452 ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 

of confusion. Oiir fifth torpedo flotilla, after destroying the 
Borodino, followed in the wake of our second division, the sig- 
nal reading: 'Something like the Russians' submarines have 
been sighted. Attack them.' The flotilla followed and 
located the object, which proved to be a sinking ship with 
its overturned bottom showing. Thirty survivors clung to 
the wreck, crying for assistance. Firing ceased with the 
approach of darkness. 

"According to orders previously given for a torpedo attack 
after dark, all the destroyer flotilla, dividing into two squad- 
rons, proceeded to attack the Russians during the whole night. 
The Russians frustrated the first and second attacks with 
searchlights. A third attempt was carefully made and the 
Yugiri sank a ship of the Borodino type, and also hit others. 
During the night the Russians continued to move and we pre- 
served our enveloping movement some distance from the Rus- 
sian position. The Russian ships headed northeast after day- 
break, hoping to reach Vladivostok. Our officers and men 
were determined that not a ship should escape, and resolved 
not to relax their efforts until they had succeeded in either 
sinking or capturing every Russian ship. Our ships always 
kept ahead of the Russians. The battle was resumed at 9 
o'clock Stinday morning, twelve miles east of Chi3aipyon Bay, 
and lasted all day. Here the Russians suffered their heaviest 
losses . They seemed unprepared to repel night attacks . Dur- 
ing our first night attack the Russians showed nine search- 
lights and frustrated the attacks, but clearly gave us the loca- 
tion of the fleet, which brought success later." 

On board the Borodino the carnage was awful and typical 
of the fate suffered by the other Russian ships. An officer of 
this ill-fated ship described the horror of his struggle as follows : 

"Admiral Rojestvensky came on board early in the battle 
and directed the fighting from the Borodino's flying bridge. 
At three o'clock the Japanese battleships Shikiskima and Fuji 




THE BATTLE OF THE SEA OF JAPAN 

Thp -Russian fleet under Admiral Roiestvenskv sailed from the Baltic Sea to attack Japan in 
her own 'vaterl Xfter a voyage of several mbnths the ileet assembled and gave battle m the 
Sea of Japan, and was defeated by the Japanese fleet under Admiral Togo. 



ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 453 

Opened every gun upon us. A projectile struck the forward 
barbette, in which I had charge of a twelve-inch gun, and this 
rendered us all insensible. I groped out of the smoke-filled 
barbette to the deck and found there a rain of projectiles. 
Dozens were lying dead or wounded at every turn. I returned 
to the barbette, but was only able to fire two rounds when two 
projectiles struck us simultaneously, wrecked the barbette, 
disabled both the twelve-inch guns and killed eighteen officers 
and men. The Borodino now became a veritable shambles, 
successive shells destroying the steering gear and ammunition 
hoists, so that the shells had to be carried by hand. Admiral 
Rojestvensky was wounded and transferred to a destroyer, 
and as the destroyer left she was assailed by a hail of small- 
arm ammunition. 

" It was now four o 'clock. The Borodino had been repeat- 
edly struck in the hull, and was settling down, with no hope of 
saving her. 

" The Japanese had broken our battle formation and were 
closing in, concentrating their fire on our fighting tops, of 
whose crews hardly one escaped. Fire had now broken out 
in several places, adding to the horror of our situation, and it 
was decided to withdraw from the firing line for the purpose 
of repairing our steering gear. But we were surrounded by 
eight Japanese ships and bombarded on every side. 

" We still fought desperately without our after twelve-inch 
guns and what was left of our smaller guns and with about half 
our complement of men. But the Borodino sank lower and 
lower. Toward evening, after we had lost four hundred men, 
we noticed two Japanese destroyers coming toward us. We 
sank one with a well-directed shell. The other launched a 
torpedo which missed us. 

"All the men in the engine rooms were driven on deck by 
the flames of the spreading fire. Finally a Japanese torpedo 
flotilla bore down upon us and an explosion caused the Boro- 



454 ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 

dino to turn turtle. I with forty others was rescued from the 
sea by the Japanese armored cruiser Kasuga and was trans- 
ferred to the shore." 

Togo enjoyed the great advantage of tactical position 
when he opened fire, having the lightest of the Russian ships 
between him and Rojestvensky 's heavier vessels, thus smother- 
ing the fire of the latter. Besides, Togo was able to use all his 
broadsides, whereas the sternmost ships of the Russian col- 
umn, coming on in line ahead formation, could only with diffi- 
culty use any guns at all. Nevertheless, although suffering 
the complete loss of four ships in the desperate encounter which 
followed and being subjected to a series of torpedo attacks 
Saturday night, Rojestvensky was able to steam 200 miles 
during the night. When Sunday morning came the Russian 
fleet was divided into two divisions. The faster and stronger 
division, under Rojestvensky, was met by Kamimura and 
Uriu, while the slower division, under Nebogatoff, renewed the 
fight with Togo. With some of the scattered Russian units 
it was a case of save himself who could. 

The fight lasted continuously for three days, Togo pur- 
suing the Russian remnant up the Sea of Japan to the Lian- 
court Islands, where Rear- Admiral Nebogatoff surrendered the 
two battleships, Orel and Nicolai I, and two coast-defense ves- 
sels, Apraxin and Seniavin. 

When the smoke of battle had cleared away and Togo had 
reassembled his ships, not one Japanese battleship or cruiser 
was lost or even disabled. 

But the extent of Russia's disaster was appalling. Of the 
magnificent fleet which had sailed around the world into Japa- 
nese waters only one war vessel had escaped capture or destruc- 
tion. The gigantic armada of the Czar had been totally oblit- 
erated at its first contact with the enemy. Only the swift 
cruiser Almaz managed to reach Vladivostok, and a few trans- 
ports fled to the Philippines and other neutral ports, where 



ANNIHILATION OF THE BALTIC FLEET 455 

they were dismantled, in accordance with international law. 
More than sixty vessels of all sizes had passed Singapore two 
months before; only one reached its destination. Admiral 
Rojestvensky was fotind by the Japanese wounded hiding in 
a destroyer and was taken to Sasebo. Admiral Von Voelker- 
sam was killed by a shell in the conning tower of his flagship, 
the Oslyahia; Admiral Nebogatoff surrendered at Liancotirt 
Rocks, and Enquist was a refugee at Manila. It was the most 
complete and crushing naval defeat in history. 

SHIPS VANQUISHED BY TOGO. 

Following is a list of the Russian vessels sunk or captured 
by the Japanese fleet: 

SUNK. 

Displacement. 

Tons. Crew. 

Kniaz Souvaroff (flagship) 13.516 740 

Borodino, battleship 13.516 740 

Alexander III, battleship 13.516 740 

Oslyabia, battleship 12,674 732 

Sissoi Veliky, battleship 10,400 550 

Navarin, battleship 10,206 630 

Admiral OushakofE, coast defense 4.126 318 

Admiral Nakhimoff, armored cruiser 8,524 567 

Dimitri Donskoi, armored cruiser 6,200 510 

Vladimir Monomach, armored cruiser ....... 5,593 550 

Aurora, protected cruiser 6,630 422 

Svietlana, protected cruiser 3.862 360 

Jemtchug, protected cruiser 3,106 340 

Oleg, protected cruiser 6,675 422 

Izumrud, protected cruiser 3,200 340 

Repair ship Kamtchatka, transport Irtyssen and three destroyers. 

CAPTURED. 

Orel, battleship 13,516 740 

Nicolai I, battleship 9,672 604 

Apraxin and Seniavin, coast-defense ships 4,200 318 

Transport Ural and one destroyer. 



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CHAPTER XLI. 

Peace Negotiations 

Theodore Roosevelt Calls for Peace — Shirtsleeve Diplomacy — The President's 
Note — ^Japan and Russia Accept — Applauded by the Powers. 

WHILE all the world was waiting anxiously to see if 
the victorious Japanese would push the war into 
Siberia, and to see if Russia would slaughter more 
thousands of soldiers in what seemed a hopeless struggle, 
European diplomats sat with folded hands and made no 
attempt to end a conflict which was rapidly injuring the 
prosperity of all the nations. It was Theodore Roosevelt, 
President of the United States, who gave them another les- 
son in the now famous American " Shirtsleeve diplomacy, " by 
urging the two warring powers to make peace and offer- 
ing himseK as mediator if his services were requested. The 
President had, before writing to" the belligerents, sounded 
each of them unofficially to learn their attitudes and had 
also felt the ptilse of every European power. 

On Thursday, June 8, he sent to the Japanese and Russian 
Governments, through diplomatic channels, the following 
dispatch : 

" The President feels that the time has come when in the 
interest of all mankind he must endeavor to see if it is not 
possible to bring to an end the terrible and lamentable conflict 
now being waged. With both Russia and Japan the United 
States has inherited ties of friendship and good will. It hopes 
for the prosperity and welfare of each, and it feels that the 
progress of the world is set back by the war between these two 
great nations. 

457 



458 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

' The President accordingly urges the Russian and Japan- 
ese Governments, not only for their own sakes, but in the 
interest of the whole civilized world, to open direct negotia- 
tions for peace with one another. 

"The President suggests that these peace negotiations 
be conducted directly and exclusively between the belliger- 
ents ; in other words, that there may be a meeting of Russian 
and Japanese plenipotentiaries or delegates without any 
intermediary in order to see if it is not possible for these repre- 
sentatives of the two Powers to agree to terms of peace. The 
President earnestly asks that the Japanese (Russian) Govern- 
ment do now agree to such meeting, and is asking the Russian 
(Japanese) Government likewise to agree. 

" While the President does not feel that any intermediary 
should be called in in respect to the peace negotiations them- 
selves, he is entirely willing to do what he properly can if the 
two Powers concerned feel that his services will be of aid in 
arranging the preliminaries as to the time and place of meeting. 
But if even these preliminaries can be arranged directly 
bctworT- +hr twr Prwcrr, rr in any ether way, the President 
will be glcd, LS his scle purpose is to bring about a meeting 
which the whole civilized world will pray may result in peace. " 

The effect of this letter was instantaneous. The Euro- 
pean powers, none of whom would take the initiative in bring- 
ing about peace, began to second America's effort. Kaiser 
William urged it on the Czar, through the Grand Duke Michael, 
who happened to be attending the wedding of the German 
Crown Prince, and President Loubet despatched a similar 
message to St. Petersburg, through the French Ambassador. 
London expressed great satisfaction at Roosevelt's direct 
methods, and there was open admiration in St. Petersburg 
for the man "who acted while others thought." 

President Roosevelt's intention was that Russia and 
Japan should appoint representatives with full powers to 



PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 



459 



meet and come to terms of peace without the use of a third 
party. At every stage of the negotiations Japan had reso- 
lutely assumed the position that she could not admit the inter- 
cession of any other Power, nor present her peace terms in 
any other way except directly to Russia, and the President's 
identical note was framed in accordance with this attitude of 
Japan's. The latter was first to accept the President's sugges- 
tion, and Russia immediately followed. Both powers gave 
assurances that they were acting in good faith and actively 
began arranging for the proposed meeting. The result was 
twofold : a bringing together of two hostile nations in a man- 
ner to save the pride of both, and a great addition to the 
prestige of the United States. 

After it had been decided that the envoys to treat for 
peace should meet on American soil, with full power to act, 
the Mikado named as his plenipotentiaries Baron Komura 
and Kogoro Takahira, Japanese minister to the United States. 
After various appointees had been announced for the repre- 
sentatives, among them Muravieff, the Czar finally selected 
Sergius Witte, formerly Minister of Finance, and Baron 
Rosen, who had been Ambassador to the English Court. The 
Japanese chief envoy was conveyed on a cruiser to San Fran- 
cisco, and, crossing the continent, arrived in New York on 
Wednesday, July 26. He was joined immediately by Minister 
Takahira, and, before visiting anyone else, made a formal 
call on President Roosevelt at Oyster Bay. 

The Russian envoys, after some delay, left Paris, and 
crossing the Atlantic on a Russian cruiser were presented to 
President Roosevelt. The members of the two parties were 
then introduced to each other and sailed on the Dolphin and 
Mayflower, escorted by their respective warships, for Ports- 
mouth, New Hampshire, where peace negotiations were en- 
tered into at the Navy_Yard to. avoid the heat at the Capital. 



46o PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

Special preparations had been made for the reception 
of the envoys and every facihty was afforded them for a 
speedy consideration of the momentous subject which had 
brought them together. On the second floor of the main 
building at the Navy Yard, rooms had been set apart for 
the meeting of the envoys, and also for consultation purposes. 
We give in one of our illustrations a view of the Board as it 
was organized, with the envoys of Russia and Japan facing 
each other. They represented the most distinguished men 
of both countries. Both sides seemed to realize the import- 
ance of their mission and the gravity of the subject which 
was before them; also the necessity of a speedy decision. 
The representatives of each country had come with full 
powers to negotiate a treaty, but had definite instructions 
beyond which they could not go. 

It fell to the victorious side, the Japanese, to present 
in a formal manner their demands or terms which they 
would require for a settlement. However, on August 9th, 
the first day of meeting of the conference, the representatives 
of each government presented their credentials for the other's 
inspection. On the following day they were declared satis- 
factory and the Japanese then presented a set of twelve 
conditions or principles essential to a peace treaty. Although 
both sides had agreed that the proceedings of the conference 
should remain secret, it very early developed that the twelve 
conditions necessar}^ for peace as outlined by the Japanese 
were as follows, stated briefly now, but which we shall amplify 
later when we speak of the results of the conference and the 
details of the agreement reached, for convenience of reference 
giving these principles in a succinct form: 

1. Recognizing the preponderating influence of Japan* 
in Corea. 

2. The simultaneous evacuation of Manchuria by the 
Russian and Japanese military forces. 



PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 461 

3. The whole transfer to Japan of Russian leasehold 
in the Liaotung peninsula, Port Arthur and Dalny. 

4. Return to China of the civil administration of Man- 
churia in accordance with the treaty given by Russia to 
China on April 8, 1902, which provided that Manchuria 
would be restored to China in three successive periods of 
six months each, the failure to carry out which was one of 
the chief factors of the war. 

5. Cession of the island of Sakhalin by Russia to Japan. 

6. The transfer to Japan of all docks, magazines and 
military warehouses in Port Arthur and Dalny without com- 
pensation; all rights in private property to be respected. 

7. The transfer to Japan of the railroad between Port 
Arthur and Dalny and Harbin, part of which was at time of 
negotiations in Japan's military occupation. 

8. Retention by Russia of the main Manchurian line. 

9. Rtissia to reimburse Japan for the war expenses. 

10. Russia to transfer to Japan all her warships now 
interned in Pacific ports. 

11. The limitation of Russian naval force in the Pacific 
waters. 

12. Japan to have fishing rights on the Siberian coast. 
' A stud}" of the claims and a comparison with the treat}' 

as finally concluded shows at once that Japan abandoned all 
the punitive clauses of the original demands and further cut 
in half her demand for Sakhalin as contained in Article 5, 
for to Russia she cedes all of Sakhalin north of the fiftieth 
parallel of latitude. The seizure of Sakhalin was an incident 
of the war. Japan's old claim on the island was not one of 
the causes of the war. 

After the preliminaries of the first two da}-s, the chief 
incidents in the negotiations were: 

On the 12 th the Japanese envoys received the Russian 
answer to their conditions, and the conferees proceeded to a 



462 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

consideration of the articles seriatim. Two days later an 
agreement was reached on three of them, and on the 15th on 
two more, laying over one, believed to be the fifth, that on 
Sakhalin. On the 17th a temporary deadlock was reached 
on indemnity and surrender of interned vessels, and on the 
1 8th the conference adjourned until the 2 2d, the Russians 
having agreed to eight Japanese proposals, and refused to ac- 
cept those relating to indemnity, cession of Sakhalin, sur- 
render of interned warships, and limiting Russian naval 
power in the Pacific. 

At President Roosevelt's request, Baron Rosen, on the 
19th, had a conference with him at Oyster Bay, after which 
it was reported that the President urged Russia to pay an 
indemnity now in order to avoid heavier demands later; but 
Russia declined to take such a course. On Monday, the 21st, 
the special agent of the Japanese government in this country, 
Baron Kaneko, made a call on the President by request, the 
latter still striving to arrange a compromise between the 
belligerents. Failure to attain to peace was still generally 
expected. But when the conferees met again (2 2d) the Jap- 
anese made a concession, proposing that, in lieu of an indem- 
nity, Russia purchase Sakhalin Island, at a price to be fixed 
by a board of arbiters. Prospects of peace seemed much 
brighter. No advance step, however, was taken on the 23d, 
though the Japanese offered further concessions, and adjourn- 
ment for three days was agreed upon. This was in conse- 
quence of President Roosevelt having appealed to the Czar 
through Ambassador Meyer, who had a long conference with 
His Majesty at Peterhof, but without the desired result — 
Russia, her foreign minister. Count Lansdorff, announced on 
the 24th, would pay no tribute to Japan directly or indirectly, 
and would cede no territory whatever. 

In view of this statement the Japanese commissioners 
were inclined to regard their mission as over and seemed to 



PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 463 

think the negotiations would end in failure on the 26th. But 
the President persisted in his efforts to bring about a settle- 
ment, to this end communicating with M. Witte, who had to 
"rswer that the Czar remained obdurate. At the same time 
. was announced that the Tokio government would not yield. 
The outlook was gloom.y indeed, then, when the envoys met on 
the 26th. It was only for a brief session. At Baron Komura's 
request they adjourned until Monday afternoon, the 28th, 
until he could hear further from his government. The Czar 
had just sent his ultimatum to the President's propositions, 
declining to pay Japan an indemnity under any guise, but 
offering to cede the southern half of Sakhalin and to pay 
liberally for the care of the Russian prisoners of war. When 
the 28th came it was announced that, as the result of a con- 
ference between Mr. Takahira and M. Witte, the meeting 
had been postponed until such time as the Japanese envoys 
received final instructions from Tokio. 

It was believed the President had brought about this 
postponement by direct communication with the Mikado's 
government, which had been called in secret consultation on 
the subject. On the afternoon of the 28th it was known in 
Portsmouth that Japan was yielding, but to what extent was 
not divulged until the conferees had met next morning. 
When they did meet, on that ever-memorable August 29, 
1905, Japan withdrew her demands for indemnity, for the 
interned Russian ships and for the proposed restriction on 
Russian naval power in the East. Thereupon the conferees 
announced that the treaty would be drafted by two of the 
most eminent of international lawyers. Professor Maartens 
for Russia, and for Japan Mr. Denison, an American who has 
been a resident of that country for thirty-six years, and the 
legal adviser of its government for the past twenty years. 

"That is splendid — magnificent!" exclaimed President 
Roosevelt, who was one of the very first outside of the con- 



464 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

ference room to hear the news officially. But equally splendid 
has been the tribute paid to him for his share in the result. 
He had not expected it, and was prepared to appeal to the 
German Emperor to have him use his influence with the Czar 
as a. last resort in his efforts to bring the warring nations to 
terms. But he had won without this appeal; and the heads 
of the nations, as well as the most prominent men in all walks 
of life and the press of the world, hastened to give him due 
credit for the service he had rendered to humanity. In 
America all party distinctions were laid aside by press and 
political leaders, and the President's success was hailed with 
approval and praise. These tributes are worthy of permanent 
record, and for that reason we select a few for these pages. 

The cable messages from King Edward and Emperor Wil- 
liam were among the first to be received. They said: 

"Marienbad, Aug. 29. 

" The President: 

"Let me be one of the first to congratulate you on the 
successful issue of the Peace Conference, to which you have 
so greatly contributed. 

"Edward R. I." 

" Neues Palais, Aug. 29. 
"President Theodore Roosevelt: 

"Just read cable from America announcing agreement 
of peace conference on preliminaries of peace; am overjoyed; 
express most sincere congratulations at the great success 
due to your untiring efforts. The whole of mankind must 
unite and will do so in thanking you for the great boon you 

have given it. 

"William I. R. " 




From Stereograph, copyright 1905. by Underwood & Underwood, New York 

PLENIPOTENTIARY ENVOYS OF RUSSIA (M. WITTE AND BARON ROSEN) AND 
JAPAN (BARON KOMURA AND MINISTER TAKAHIRA) AND PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT, 
IN THE CABIN OF THE "MAYFLOWER," AUGUST 5, 1005. 



PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 465 

The Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary cabled on 
the 31st: 

"IscHL, Aug. 31. 
" To the President of U. S. A.: 

" On the occasion of the peace just concluded I hasten, Mr. 
President, to send you my friendliest felicitations on the result 
of your intervention. May the world be blessed with many 
years' continuance of peace undisturbed. 

" Franz Josef. " 

This came from the President of France: 

"La Begude, Presidence, Aug. 30. 
" The President of the Republic of the United States: 

'Your Excellency has just rendered to humanity an 
eminent service, upon which I felicitate you heartily. The 
French Republic rejoices in the role which her sister, America, 
has played in this historic event. "Emile Loubet. " 

Sir Mortimer Durand, the British Ambassador to the 
United States; M. Jusserand, the French Ambassador; Sir 
Chentung Liang-cheng, the Chinese Minister; Baron Mayor 
des Planches, the Italian Ambassador, and Count Cassini, 
formerly Russian Ambassador to this country, and then 
accredited to Madrid, Spain, all expressed their appreciation 
of the President's efforts in behalf of peace. Their messages 
of eulogy follow: 

"Lenox, Mass., Aug. 29. 
" Secretary to the President: 

" Please submit to the President my most cordial con- 
gratulations upon success of his efforts to bring about peace. 

"Durand." 

"Amherst, Mass., Aug. 30. 
" The President: 

" I beg to offer my hearty congratulations for the success- 
ful conclusion of peace for which the whole world, especially 
the Orient, is ever indebted to you. 

30 "Chentung Liang-cheng." 



466 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

"Washington, Aug. 29. 
''President Roosevelt: 

" I beg to offer to you, Mr. President, on behalf of the 
Itahan Government and of myself as representative of my 
august sovereign, heartfelt congratulations for your great 
success in re-establishing peace. Italy, which, since her con- 
stitution, has endeavored to be an element and factor of 
harmony among nations, will greatly admire and praise the 
work you brought on so advantageously for the benefit of 
humanity. 

"Mayor des Planches, 

" Italian Ambassador. " 

"London, Aug. 30. 
'' President Roosevelt: 

" Heartiest, warmest congratulations. 

" Jusserand. " 

" Paris, Aug. 30. 
" President Roosevelt: 

"Profoundly happy at the result of the negotiations, 
which assures a peace honorable to both nations and in which 
you have taken so fruitful a part. "Cassini. " 

The Pope was informed of the conclusion of peace in the 
Far East early on the morning of the 30th. He immediately 
rose, exclaiming: 

"This is the happiest news of my life. Thank God for 
President Roosevelt's courage." 

The Pontiff telegraphed later to Emperor Nicholas his 
congratulations to him and to the whole world. 

Among the telegrams received by the President from 
other men of prominence is the following: 

"Baltimore, Md., Aug. 29. 
"President Roosevelt: 

"Accept hearty congratulations on your splendid victory 
for peace. "James, Cardinal Gibbons." 



PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 467 

A cablegram signed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, 
John Morley, President Murray Butler, Charles Dabney, 
Richard Harlan, Gen. Grant Wilson, Andrew Carnegie and 
others, who were guests of Andrew Carnegie in Scotland, read: 

" Clashmore, Scotland, Aug. 30. 
''President: 

" Skibo guests thankfully congratulate you and three con- 
tinents upon the conclusion of honorable and, we hope, lasting 
peace between two great empires. May this be the last war 
between civilized peoples." 

Next came this: 

" London, Aug. 30. 
"President Roosevelt: 

" Beg your Excellency to accept my heartfelt congratula- 
tions on successful issue of your able and persistent efforts on 
behalf of peace. The whole world, civilized and uncivilized, 
is indebted to you. "General Booth, Salvation Army. " 

The credit for the result had been expressed officially, 
first of all, by the plenipotentaries themselves. On the very 
day the agreement had been reached they both telegraphed 
and wrote to the President acknowledging the vital importance 
of the part he had taken. In answering these missives he 
asked them to convey to their respective sovereigns his "ear- 
nest congratulations upon the wisdom and magnanimity" 
they and their people had displayed, a feeling, he felt sure, 
all civilized mankind shared with him. The envoys, of course, 
did as requested, and in due time the following messages came : 

"Peterhof, Alexandria, August 31. 
" President Roosevelt: 

"Accept my congratulations and earnest thanks for 
having brought the peace negotiations to a successful conclu- 
sion owing to your personal energetic efforts. My country 
will gratefully recognize the great part you have played in the 
Portsmouth peace conference. (Signed) "Nicholas." 



468 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

"ToKio, Sept. 3, 1905. 
''The President: 

" I have received with gratification your message of con- 
gratulations conveyed through our plenipotentiaries, and 
thank you warmly for it. To your disinterested and unremit- 
ting efforts in the interests of peace and humanity I attach 
the high value which is their due, and assure you of my grate- 
ful appreciation of the distinguished part you have taken in 
the establishment of peace based upon principles essential to 
the permanent welfare and tranquillity of the Far East. 

"MUTSUHITO." 

Meanwhile the press of the world had been no less com- 
plimentary than its rulers and all other men of public note. 
We must remain satisfied to let a few extracts from papers 
near at hand speak here for all. While the negotiations had 
as yet reached only half-way in their course, the Review of 
Reviews said editorially: 

" We citizens of the United States of America have just 
cause to congratulate ourselves upon the fact that America 
stands, above all things, for peace and justice throughout the 
world. The American President, who is the type of twen- 
tieth-century American citizenship, has again shown how an 
earnest, peaceful nation can brush aside the traditions of a 
worn-out diplomacy when a great issue is at stake. In the 
most irregular of v/ays, and in defiance of all the rules of the 
diplomatic game as played for centuries, President Roosevelt, 
with the approval and God-speed of the civilized world, it can 
be confidently asserted, has had the courage to take a hand in 
the proceedings at Portsmouth. What no European sover- 
eign would have dared to do — what none of them could have 
done without giving serious offense — Mr. Roosevelt did. He, 
we are forced to believe, has acted as the mouthpiece of the 
neutral world. He has again been the spokesman of its power- 
ful peace interests. It is known that King Edward of Eng- 



PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 469 

land, the ally of Japan; President Loubet of France, an ally 
of Russia, and Emperor William of Germany, all of these 
representing the great powers of the world most vitally inter- 
ested in the conclusion of peace, have been working hard and 
in harmony with the American President toward that end. 
It was the American chief magistrate who — at the suggestion 
and with the approval, it is generally believed, of Europe — 
invited Japan and Russia to confer at Portsmouth. What 
more appropriate than that this same American President, 
with his powerful personality and the tremendous energy and 
infinite resources of his vigorous mind, should again speak 
for the outside world when the principals in the great dip- 
lomatic duel had exhausted their resources?" 

And when his intervention had succeeded, the daily 
press of all shades of political opinion reiterated, often even in 
more emphatic language, the same view. Let us begin with 
a paper that has frequently censured his acts. The New York 
Sun of August 30th among other things said: 

"From his first perception of the opportunity to the final 
accomplishment of his purpose Mr. Roosevelt never waivered 
or weakened, never lost hope, never made a false move or a 
blunder of any sort, never once overstepped the proprieties 
which his official post and his relations with the two govern- 
ments prescribed. He has been the peacemaker in the fullest 
sense of the blessed word. The conference would not have 
occurred but for him. But for him it would have gone to 
pieces after it had begun. The success of his noble enterprise 
is one of the most splendid examples which history can afford 
of will power, character and straightforward yet not unsophis- 
ticated altruism working efficiently and perseveringly in 
one individual for the good of millions. The magnitude of 
Mr. Roosevelt's achievement will grow in the eyes of the world 
as the years go by; what man by a single seizure of oppor- 
tunity, and the consummately skilful use of it when seized, 
ever earned a surer title to the. most honorable fame?" 



476 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

"It is peace, " the New York Tribune said; "and in this 
culmination of an international incident without parallel in 
human history, the chief credit and praise are due to the chief 
peacemaker. We could scarcely speak too highly of the four 
statesmen who have been in momentous conference at Ports- 
mouth, and who have with so much courtesy to their oppo- 
nents and so much loyalty and devotion to their own countries 
been the protagonists of their respective causes. But before 
and above even those distinguished guests of the nation the 
world will regard the chivalrous knight errant of peace who 
alone has made their meeting and their achievements possible. 
When no other ruler in the world would or could take such a 
step, he bravely and tactfully assumed the initiative in bring- 
ing the warring powers together. It was he who brought 
those four plenipotentiaries to Portsmouth. When the nego- 
tiations seemed to have reached a deadlock and to be in danger 
of failure, it was he who pressed the benevolent factor of his 
own masterful personality into the problem, not only once, 
but again and again, until by an exercise of single-handed 
influence unsurpassed in history he practically compelled 
success. A diplomatic triumph of the first magnitude was 
the Russian estimate of his initial achievement in securing 
the peace conference. This final achievement is something 
more. It transcends mere diplomacy and is a triumph for 
peace, for reason and for humanity. The tidings of the day 
are peace, and the peace is the work of Theodore Roose- 
velt." 

"Americans." said the New York Evening Post, "have 
special reasons for proud rejoicings. Their country has been 
the intermediary, as it has been the scene, in the making of 
this great peace, and their President has pressed on undaunt- 
edly, when all the world faltered, in the determination to 
make reason and religion prevail over the passions of war. 
It is a proud day for Theodore Roosevelt, and every lover of 



PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 47! 

mankind will acclaim his sleepless efforts and h^"s splendid 
triumph." 

"It would almost seem," said the Brooklyn Eagle, "as 
though the envoys had been held together by the sheer force 
of the character of the man who offered up that invocation, 
so resolute was Theodore Roosevelt, so tenacious of the pur- 
pose he had in hand. 

"The end has justified his means, whatever they may 
have been. The end consigns him to a place in history, con- 
signs him to a category almost all, if not absolutely all, his 
own. 

" Never will it be given to a man to undertake a task of 
greater magnitude, to traverse a path beset with greater 
difficulties. There was almost derision at the beginning. 
There were those who ridiculed. 

" Difficulties seemed to be cumulative. All the drift 
appeared to be in the direction of the hopeless, but the man 
never wavered. The one unalterable, determined factor 
throughout has been the President. 

" He has triumphed. He has reaped a reward beycr c l^ 
possibility of calculation. He has sheathed the swords lI 
a million men. For that he will have monuments hereafter. " 

"In apportioning the praise and the glory," said the 
New York Times, "it becomes us to be moderate in the allot- 
ment of the share belonging to Mr. Roosevelt. But we see no 
reason why foreigners should restrain themselves. It is 
really a matter of very deep pride with us that this treaty is 
to be signed upon our soil, and that the initiative in the pro- 
ceedings which led to it was taken by Mr. Roosevelt. It is 
now seen that his invitation was not premature; it was sent 
at the precise lucky moment. It is seen, too, that his urgent 
intercessions were not overdone, though in the case of any 
other head of a great nation it would have been called over- 
doing. The world over, it was known that Mr. Roosevelt's 



4 72 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

motives were the noblest, and that they were entirely disin- 
terested. He had no other thought than to bring about a 
' firm and lasting peace. ' He has succeeded so well that if any 
should choose to call it the Peace of Roosevelt the answering 
smile would be rather more than half approving. One such 
great act is enough to ennoble and give distinction to an}^ 
human life. " 

"Nobody can deny," said the New York Staats-Zeitung, 
"that Theodore Roosevelt has achieved a great triumph by 
accomplishing the agreement between Japan and Russia. 
Whatever honest differences may exist as to his views and 
actions, and how much we may be opposed to his political 
opinions, the fact remains indisputable that he deserves the 
credit of having brought about the final agreement between 
the two parties. Without his intervention and his ceaseless 
efforts the conferences would have ended without result, and 
the end of the bloody war in the Far East is due to his personal 
labors in behalf of peace." 

" It was 'unprecedented meddling, ' if you will, " said the 
Philadelphia North American; "but it was swift, vigorous 
work, and work as tactful as it was swift and vigorous. No 
one can doubt that, but for the President, the conference 
would have adjourned more than a week ago, and the legions 
of Linievitch and Oyama would now be at each other's throats. 
No one can compute the ensuing calamitous consequences. 

"This, then, is a Roosevelt peace — the greatest of recon- 
ciliations caused by the ' Man with the Big Stick'— the quench- 
ing of a conflagration by ' a human firebrand. 

"Theodore Roosevelt a World Power," is the editorial 
caption of the Philadelphia Press, which said: 

"Great as was Bismarck's work in securing peace at the 
Berlin Congress, President Roosevelt's work on this occasion 
is greater still. He called the conference. Again and again 
he has saved it from disaster. At the end he secured the 



PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 473 

concessions, first from the Czar and next from the Mikado, 
which made peace possible. Without President Roosevelt 
war would have been resumed. -Single handed and alone, he 
has changed the history of the world when neither nation at 
Vv^ar asked for his good offices nor desired them. 

" Such an achievement and such a work put a man in a 
class apart. He becomes in himself one of the world's greater 
forces, to be reckoned with in all its wider affairs. No man's 
career and no man's future can be regarded in the same light 
or prove the same after such supreme success in the most 
difficult of tasks as after he has been thus triumphantly tested 
by the arduous greatness of things done." 

"The peace conference," said the Philadelphia Public 
Ledger, "proved a natural corollary of the stupendous and 
transcendently important events it considered; it furnishes 
history a new chapter in diplomacy; it places a crown of 
laurel upon the brow of America's great President, Theodore 
Roosevelt, the Pacificator; it enshrines the name of Japan 
freshly in the hearts of all lovers of peace, all friends of human- 
ity, for her final acts of magnanimity and moderation, which 
exalt and glorify her character not one whit less than her 
brilliant and heroic achievements in war .... No achievement 
of President Roosevelt will endure longer or bring him greater 
fame than this. He has won his way to the forefront as the 
chief personage among the nations of the earth, not by bloody 
deeds upon the battlefield, but in the paths of peace, so that 
he shall emblazon our country's history, along with Lincoln 
the Emancipator, as Roosevelt the Pacificator. ' ' 

"President Roosevelt," accord'ng to the Philadelphia 
Record (Democrat), "has crowned a career full of honor and 
good works with an achievement that commands the respect 
and homage of the civilized world. His name is on every lip. 
The Holy Father at Rome thanks God for the President's 
splendid courage; Kaiser Wilhelm and King Edward shower 



474 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

him with congratulations, and, as the former says, the whole 
of mankind will unite in thanking him for his untiring and now 
happily successful efforts to restore peace to the world. The 
triumph at Portsmouth was Roosevelt's above all. Other 
men contributed to it, but he bore the foremost part. In 
leading to a peaceful outcome of the conference he has wrought 
a seeming miracle that none but he would have had the con- 
fidence and the indomitable will to essay. ' ' 

"Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war;" 
and of these President Roosevelt has achieved the greatest 
yet recorded in the world's annals. 

The treaty which he brought about was not long in reach- 
ing completion. 

The final meeting of the conference was called for three 
o'clock, September 5th, and the momentous document, 
engrossed in duplicate (one copy in English and one in French), 
was signed by all four of the plenipotentiaries at 3.47, the 
protocol, or minutes of the last meeting, when peace was 
decided upon, having received their signatures an hour and 
a half earlier. At 3.50 peace was officially proclaimed by 
the big guns in the navy yard with an ambassador's salute, 
nineteen shots ; and the whistles of all the ships in the harbor 
joined in the din, as did also all the church bells of Ports- 
mouth. With a hearty good will the envoys emptied their 
glasses to the toast of eternal friendship. A message was 
hurried to the Czar, another to the Mikado, and a third to 
President Roosevelt. Meanwhile the telegraph wires had 
flashed to all the world that the peace of Portsmouth was an 
accomplished fact, while the marine band outside the naval 
building was playing an exhilirating march. 

At the toast-drinking to the new peace, to the Emperors 
of Russia and Japan, to President Roosevelt and to universal 
amity, Baron de Rosen was the first to break the silence. 
"We have," he said, "just signed an act which will have 



PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 475 

forever a place in the annals of history. It is not for us 
active participants in the conclusion of this treaty to pass 
judgment on its import and significance. As negotiators on 
behalf of the empire of Russia, as well as the empire of Japan, 
we may with tranquil conscience say that we have done all 
that was in our power in order to bring about the peace for 
which the whole civilized world was longing. As plenipoten- 
tiaries of Russia we fulfill a most agreeable duty in acknowl- 
edging that in negotiating with our hitherto adversaries, and 
from this hour our friends, we have been dealing with true 
and thorough gentlemen to whom we are happy to express 
our high esteem and personal regard. We earnestly hope that 
friendly relations between the two empires will henceforth 
be firmly established and we trust that his Excellency, Baron 
Komura, as Minister of Foreign Affairs, and one of the leading 
statesmen of his country, will apply to the strengthening of 
these relations the wide experience and wise statesmanship 
he so conspicuously displayed during these negotiations, which 
have now been so auspiciously concluded. " 

Baron Komura replied that he shared entirely the views 
of Baron de Rosen. The treaty of peace which they had just 
signed, he said, was in the interest of humanity and civiliza- 
tion, and he was happy to believe that it would bring about a 
firm, lasting peace between two neighboring empires. He 
added that it would always be pleasant for him to recall that 
throughout the long and serious negotiations, which they have 
now left behind them, he and his colleagues had invariably 
received from the Russian plenipotentiaries the highes' 
courtesy and consideration, and finally he begged to assure 
the Russian plenipotentiaries that it would be his duty as 
well as his pleasure to do everything in his power to make 
the treaty in fact what it professes to be in words — a treaty 
of peace and amity. 

Shortly after the toasting and luncheon the Russiars 



476 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

went to Christ Episcopal Church to take part in a thanks- 
giving service in their own rite, conducted by the Russian 
priests of St. Nicholas' Church, New York. 

The full text of the treaty is too long for reproduction 
here, but an authoritative abstract of it conveys an adequate 
idea of its scope. It opened with a preamble that his Majesty, 
the Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russias, and his Majesty, 
the Emperor of Japan, desiring to close the war now sub- 
sisting between them and having appointed their respective 
plenipotentiaries, and furnished them with full powers which 
were found to be in form, have come to an agreement on a 
treaty of peace and arranged in articles to the following pur- 
port : 

Article I. Stipulates for the re -establishment of peace 
and friendship between the sovereigns of the two empires and 
between the subjects of Russia and Japan respectively. 

Article 11. His Majesty, the Emperor of Russia, recog- 
nizes the preponderant interest from political, military and 
economical points of view of Japan in the Empire of Korea 
and stipulates that Russia will not oppose any measures for 
its government protection or control that Japan will deem 
necessary to take in Korea in conjunction with the Korean 
Government, but Russian subjects and Russian enterprises 
are to enjoy the same status as the subjects and enterprises 
of other countries. 

Article III. It is mutually agreed that the territory of 
Manchuria be simultaneously evacuated by both Russian 
and Japanese troops. Both countries being concerned in 
this evacuation, their situations being absolutely identical, 
all rights acquired by private persons and companies shall 
remain intact. 

Article IV. The rights possessed by Russia in conformity 
with the lease by Russia of Port Arthur and Dalny, together 
with the lands and water adjacent, shall pass over in their 




TWO HEROES OF THE BATTLE OF THE SEA OF JAPAN 

In this battle Admiral Rojestvensky was severely wounded and taken to a Japanese Naval Hos- 
pital. Here his victor, Admiral Togo, visited him and congratulated him upon his brave fight. 



PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 477 

entirety to Japan, but the properties and rights of Russian 
subjects are to be safeguarded and respected. 

Article V. The Governments of Russia and Japan 
engage themselves reciprocally, not to put any obstacles to 
the general measures (which shall be alike for all nations) 
that China may take for the development of the commerce 
and industry of Manchuria. 

Article VI. The Manchurian Railway shall be operated 
jointly between Russia and Japan at Kouang-Tcheng-Tse. 
The two branch lines shall be employed only for commercial 
and industrial purposes. In view of Russia keeping her 
branch line with all rights acquired b}^ her convention with 
China for the construction of that railway, Japan acquires 
the mines in connection with such branch line which falls to 
her. However, the rights of private parties or private enter- 
prises are to be respected. Both parties to this treaty remain 
absolutely free to undertake what they deem fit on expro- 
priated ground. 

Article VII. Russia and Japan engage themselves to 
make a conjunction of the two branch lines which they own 
at Kouang-Tcheng-Tse. 

Article VIII. It is agreed that the branch lines of the 
Manchurian Railway shall be worked with a view to assure 
commercial traffic between them without obstruction. 

Article IX. Russia cedes to Japan the southern part of 
Sakhalin Island as far north as the fiftieth degree of north 
latitude together with the islands depending thereon. The 
right of free navigation is assured in the bays of La Perouse 
and Tartare. 

Article X. Recites the situation of Russian subjects 
on the southern part of Sakhalin Island and stipulates that 
Russian colonists there shall be free and shall have the right 
to remain without changing their nationality. Per contra, 
the Japanese Government shall have the right to force Russian 
convicts to leave the territory which is ceded to her. 



478 PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

Article XI. Russia engages herself to make an agreement 
with Japan giving to Japanese subjects the right to fish in 
Russian territorial waters of the Sea of Japan, the Sea of 
Okhotsk and Bering Sea. 

Article XII. The two high contracting parties engage 
themselves to renew their commercial treaty existing between 
the two governments prior to the war in all its vigor with slight 
modifications in details and with a most favored nation clause. 

Article XIII. Russia and Japan reciprocally engage 
to restitute their prisoners of war on paying the real cost of 
keeping the same, such claim for cost to be supported by 
documents. 

Article XIV. This peace treaty shall be drawn up in 
two languages, French and English, the French text being 
evidence for the Russians, and the English text for the Japan- 
ese. In case of difficulty of interpretation the French docu- 
ment is to be final evidence. 

Article XV. The ratification of this treaty shall be 
countersigned by the sovereigns of the two States within 
fifty days after its signature. The French and American 
Embassies shall be intermediaries between the Japanese and 
Russian Governments to announce by telegraph the ratifica- 
tion of the treaty. 

Two additional articles are agreed to as follows: 

Article I. The evacuation of Manchuria by both armies 
shall be complete within eighteen months from the signing 
of the treaty beginning with the retirement of troops of the 
first line. At the expiration of the eighteen months the two 
parties will only be able to leave as guards for the railway 
fifteen soldiers per kilometer. 

Article II. The boundary which limits the parts owned 
respectively by Russia and Japan in the Sakhalin Islands 
shall be definitely marked off on the spot by a special limit- 
ographic commission. 



PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 479 

By this treaty Japan becomes the dominant power in 
Manchuria. Both Russians and Japs must evacuate this 
great territory, but Japan's influence will be exerted in the 
control of the railway from Port Arthur to Changtufu, and in 
the occupation of the Port Arthur stronghold. 

It is customary to imagine Manchuria, at the lower 
promontory of which is Port Arthur, to be a small place, a 
mere province in the Chinese Empire. As a matter of fact, 
it is a very large province. If it could be lifted and set down 
within the borders of the United States it would cover all the 
New England States, together with New York, New Jersey, 
Delaware, Virginia, West Virginia, Pennsylvania, Kentucky, 
Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. 

Its area is 400,000 square miles. It is situated in the 
northeastern part of China, directly south of the Amur or 
Great River. Well does that stream deserve its name, for, 
emptying into the Pacific at the Sea of Okhotsk, it extends 
backward through nearly one-third of the vast extent of Asia, 

On the east Manchuria is bounded by a little strip of 
Siberia and by the highlands and solitudes which separate it 
from Korea, the hermit kingdom. On the south is the Yel- 
low Sea and westward it stretches away toward Mongolia, 
without natural frontiers. Its boundary in that direction was 
once marked by a long line of palisades, erected four centuries 
ago, to keep out the tribes of the west. These palisades have 
long since disappeared. 

Mukden, the chief city of Manchuria, is 500 miles north- 
east of Peking. 

There are 12,000,000 people in Manchuria, living in three 
provinces, Shinking, Kir in and Tsi-tsi-har. The first is the 
largest and best known. The chief city, Mukden, is known 
as the " affluent capital" and has a population as large as 
Washington. 

Sakhalin, on the division of which Japan and Russia 



544* (480) PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 

agreed, is an island nearly 700 miles long, but of narrow dimen- 
sions, stretching from Laperouse Strait northward along the 
coast of Siberia. It has an area of 28,000 square miles. The 
sky over the island is almost always clouded. Its eastern 
coast is either icebound or strewn with ice summer and winter. 

In forests and coal, however, Sakhalin is rich. There 
also are large deposits of petroleum; in fact, the oil regions 
are said to be richer than those of America. 

But the chief wealth of the island is the fisheries. The 
rivers teem with salmon, and the waters along the coast with 
herring. The average fish output of the island yearly is in 
the neighborhood of $1,500,000, and this with the industry 
hardly half developed. 

From another point of view% the fish industry is vital to 
the life of Japan. It becomes a question of no fish, no rice; 
no rice, no Japs. Every year Sakhalin sends about $1,000,000 
worth of herring for fertilizer on the Japanese rice fields. 

Russian occupation of Sakhalin always has been a stand- 
ing menace to Japanese agriculture. It was the case of Korea 
over again, only with herring substituted for grain as the issue. 

The population of the island is fewer than 30,000, includ- 
ing about 5000 convicts, 6000 exiles and 2000 released con- 
victs. The native population consists of 2000 Gilyaks, who 
inhabit the southern part, and about 2000 Ainos, the abor- 
igines of the island. 

The plenipotentiaries had scarcely begun their work 
at Portsmouth when, on August 12th, Japan concluded a 
new treaty with England, superseding that of 1901. While 
the former instrument bound either party to aid the other 
only when attacked by two enemies at once, the latter pro- 
vides for this action against one enemy, but applies only to 
England's interests in Asia. This treaty is a strong guarantee 
of lasting peace in the Far East. 

N. B. — To find the last folio number in this volume, add to the sum of numbered pages, 480, 
sixty-four, for the illustrations which have been included in the book but not numbered. 



OCT 7 mm 



